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以下歐美電影榜英文介紹
ols might have required. They washed
the pavement, scraped the walls, burnt the altar, which was
commonly of wood, melted the consecrated plate, and cast the
Holy Eucharist to the dogs, with every circumstance of
ignominy which could provoke and perpetuate the animosity of
religious factions. Notwithstanding this irreconcilable aversion,
the two parties, who were mixed and separated in all the cities
of Africa, had the same language and manners, the same zeal
and learning, the same faith and worship. Proscribed by the
civil and ecclesiastical powers of the empire, the Donatists still
maintained in some provinces, particularly in Numidia, their
superior numbers; and four hundred bishops acknowledged
the jurisdiction of their primate. But the invincible spirit of the
sect sometimes preyed on its own vitals: and the bosom of
their schismatical church was torn by intestine divisions. A
fourth part of the Donatist bishops followed the independent
standard of the Maximianists. The narrow and solitary path
which their first leaders had marked out, continued to deviate
from the great society of mankind. Even the imperceptible sect
of the Rogatians could affirm, without a blush, that when
Christ should descend to judge the earth, he would find his
true religion preserved only in a few nameless villages of the
Cæsarean Mauritania.
The schism of the Donatists was confined to Africa: the more
diffusive mischief of the Trinitarian controversy successively
penetrated into every part of the Christian world. The former
was an accidental quarrel, occasioned by the abuse of
freedom; the latter was a high and mysterious argument,
derived from the abuse of philosophy. From the age of
Constantine to that of Clovis and Theodoric, the temporal
interests both of the Romans and Barbarians were deeply
involved in the theological disputes of Arianism. The historian
may therefore be permitted respectfully to withdraw the veil of
the sanctuary; and to deduce the progress of reason and faith,
of error and passion from the school of Plato, to the decline
and fall of the empire.
The genius of Plato, informed by his own meditation, or by the
traditional knowledge of the priests of Egypt, had ventured to
explore the mysterious nature of the Deity. When he had
elevated his mind to the sublime contemplation of the first
self-existent, necessary cause of the universe, the Athenian
sage was incapable of conceiving how the simple unity of his
essence could admit the infinite variety of distinct and
successive ideas which compose the model of the intellectual
world; how a Being purely incorporeal could execute that
perfect model, and mould w
If the infliction of pain and misery is, as I believe, the worst form of crime, this retention of war and poverty is the gravest of our social transgressions. But the g
is multitude of abject dependants was interested in the
support of the actual government from the dread of a
revolution, which might at once confound their hopes and
intercept the reward of their services. In this divine hierarchy
(for such it is frequently styled) every rank was marked with
the most scrupulous exactness, and its dignity was displayed
in a variety of trifling and solemn ceremonies, which it was a
study to learn, and a sacrilege to neglect. The purity of the
Latin language was debased, by adopting, in the intercourse of
pride and flattery, a profusion of epithets, which Tully would
scarcely have understood, and which Augustus would have
rejected with indignation. The principal officers of the empire
were saluted, even by the sovereign himself, with the deceitful
titles of your Sincerity, your Gravity, your Excellency, your
Eminence, your sublime and wonderful Magnitude, your
illustrious and magnificent Highness. The codicils or patents
of their office were curiously emblazoned with such emblems
as were best adapted to explain its nature and high dignity;
the image or portrait of the reigning emperors; a triumphal
car; the book of mandates placed on a table, covered with a
rich carpet, and illuminated by four tapers; the allegorical
figures of the provinces which they governed; or the
appellations and standards of the troops whom they
commanded Some of these official ensigns were really
exhibited in their hall of audience; others preceded their
pompous march whenever they appeared in public; and every
circumstance of their demeanor, their dress, their ornaments,
and their train, was calculated to inspire a deep reverence for
the representatives of supreme majesty. By a philosophic
observer, the system of the Roman government might have
been mistaken for a splendid theatre, filled with players of
every character and degree, who repeated the language, and
imitated the passions, of their original model.
All the magistrates of sufficient importance to find a place in
the general state of the empire, were accurately divided into
three classes. 1. The Illustrious. 2. The Spectabiles, or
Respectable. And, 3. the Clarissimi; whom we may translate
by the word Honorable. In the times of Roman simplicity, the
last-mentioned epithet was used only as a vague expression of
deference, till it became at length the peculiar and
appropriated title of all who were members of the senate, and
consequently of all who, from that venerable body, were
selected to govern the provinces. The vanity of those who, from
their rank and office, might claim a superior distinction above
the rest of the senatorial order, was long afterwards indulged
with the new appellation of Respectable; but the title of
Illustrious was always reserved to some eminent personages
who were obeyed or reverenced by the two subordinate
classes. It was communicated only, I. To the consuls and
patricians; II. To the Prætorian præfects, with the præfects of
Rome and Constantinople; III. To the masters-general of the
cavalry and the infantry; and IV. To the seven ministers of the
palace, who exercised their sacred functions about the person
of the emperor. Among those illustrious magistrates who were
esteemed coordinate with each other, the seniority of
appointment gave place to the union of dignities. By the
expedient of honorary codicils, the emperors, who were fond of
multiplying their favors, might sometimes gratify the vanity,
though not the ambition, of impatient courtiers.
I. As long as the Roman consuls were the first magistrates of a
free state, they derived their right to power from the choice of
the people. As long as the emperors condescended to disguise
the servitude which they imposed, the consuls were still
elected by the real or apparent suffrage of the senate. From
the reign of Diocletian, even these vestiges of liberty were
abolished, and the successful candidates who were invested
with the annual honors of the consulship, affected to deplore
the humiliating condition of their predecessors. The Scipios
and the Catos had been reduced to solicit the votes of
plebeians, to pass through the tedious and expensive forms of
a popular election, and to expose their dignity to the shame of
a public refusal; while their own happier fate had reserved
them for an age and government in which the rewards of
virtue were assigned by the unerring wisdom of a gracious
sovereign. In the epistles which the emperor addressed to the
two consuls elect, it was declared, that they were created by
his sole authority. Their names and portraits, engraved on gilt
tables of ivory, were dispersed over the empire as presents to
the provinces, the cities, the magistrates, the senate, and the
people. Their solemn inauguration was performed at the place
of the Imperial residence; and during a period of one hundred
and twenty years, Rome was constantly deprived of the
presence of her ancient magistrates. On the morning of the
first of January, the consuls assumed the ensigns of their
dignity. Their dress was a robe of purple, embroidered in silk
and gold, and sometimes ornamented with costly gems. On
this solemn occasion they were attended by the most eminent
officers of the state and army, in the habit of senators; and the
useless fasces, armed with the once formidable axes, were
borne before them by the lictors. The procession moved from
the palace to the Forum or principal square of the city; where
the consuls ascended their tribunal, and seated themselves in
the curule chairs, which were framed after the fashion of
ancient times. They immediately exercised an act of
jurisdiction, by the manumission of a slave, who was brought
before them for that purpose; and the ceremony was intended
to represent the celebrated action of the elder Brutus, the
author of liberty and of the consulship, when he admitted
among his fellow-citizens the faithful Vindex, who had revealed
the conspiracy of the Tarquins. The public festival was
continued during several days in all the principal cities in
Rome, from custom; in Constantinople, from imitation in
Carthage, Antioch, and Alexandria, from the love of pleasure,
and the superfluity of wealth. In the two capitals of the empire
the annual games of the theatre, the circus, and the
amphitheatre, cost four thousand pounds of gold, (about) one
hundred and sixty thousand pounds sterling: and if so heavy
an expense surpassed the faculties or the inclinations of the
magistrates themselves, the sum was supplied from the
Imperial treasury. As soon as the consuls had discharged
these customary duties, they were at liberty to retire into the
shade of private life, and to enjoy, during the remainder of the
year, the undisturbed contemplation of their own greatness.
They no longer presided in the national councils; they no
longer executed the resolutions of peace or war. Their abilities
(unless they were employed in more effective offices) were of
little moment; and their names served only as the legal date of
the year in which they had filled the chair of Marius and of
Cicero. Yet it was still felt and acknowledged, in the last period
of Roman servitude, that this empty name might be compared,
and even preferred, to the possession of substantial power.
The title of consul was still the most splendid object of
ambition, the noblest reward of virtue and loyalty. The
emperors themselves, who disdained the faint shadow of the
republic, were conscious that they acquired an additional
splendor and
manual and badly paid workers we have concealed from ourselves the real community of interest of all who work. All of us, except those who live on the labour of others, have an interest in the proper organisation of the work of the world and the removal from our shoulders of this intolerable burden of the irregular workers and the idlers. The middle-class has an even greater interest than what is narrowly called the working-class, because the tendency of Labour-legislation is, and will increasingly be, to put the heavier charge, not on large employers, who easily evade it, but on the middle-class generally. Here again the war has luminously illustrated our position. Both employers and employed (in the current industrial sense) have made great profit by it: the middle-class generally has suffered severely. A proper organisation of work would have prevented this.
It can easily be shown that this national organisation of employment, with graded in
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