本文首發於《人民日報》(1999年08月13日第5版)
今年4月25日，首都北京風和日麗。然而，就在這天，突然發生了一起大規模的非法聚集事件。一萬多名來自北京、天津、河北、山東、遼寧、內蒙古等地的「法輪功」練習者，有組織地集合起來圍住了中南海，矛頭直指黨中央、國務院，嚴重幹擾了黨和國家最高領導機關的正常工作，擾亂了首都的社會秩序。這是1989年那場政治風波以來最嚴重的政治事件，在國內外造成了極其惡劣的政治影響。
這一事件的真相終於被揭露出來，直接策劃、指揮這起事件的中心人物，就是「法輪功」的總頭目李洪志。而事發後，李洪志卻在國外頻繁接受媒體採訪，編造謊言，百般抵賴，為自己的罪責開脫。他先是說，對「4.25」非法聚集事件全然不知，當時他正在從美國到澳大利亞的路途中。當人們擺出他到過北京的證據時，他又不得不承認他確實到過北京，但只是為了轉機，沒有離開機場。隨著事實的不斷披露，在這一謊言再度被戳穿後，他又改口說在北京只停留了一天，但「沒有與任何人接觸」。
李洪志的謊言一次次被事實戳穿。他隱藏在這些謊言背後的違法犯罪陰謀活動，已經清楚地浮現出來。
興風作浪 山雨欲來
李洪志是在「4.25」非法聚集事件發生前三天，即4月22日17時10分乘坐美國西北航空公司NW087次航班，從紐約飛到北京的。他在北京停留的時間不是一天，而是前後跨了三天，共44個小時。
22日入境時，李洪志在北京首都機場的一張入境登記卡上留下了自己潦草的字跡。
姓名：李洪志
護照證件號碼：001106787
中國籤證號：003821
在華地址：吉林省長春市解放大路103號
在「職業」一欄，李洪志在「商業人員」一項下打了一個勾。從他入境填表這一刻到他24日13時30分搭乘中國國際航空公司CA109次航班離境赴香港，他在北京根本沒有從事過任何商業活動。
李洪志從大洋彼岸潛回北京，完全是「有備而來」。他事先通知了「法輪大法研究會」的核心骨幹紀烈武。他一從機場回到崇文區法華寺小區16號樓他的一所相當高級的住宅，就迫不及待地讓紀烈武匯報這幾天「法輪功」練習者圍攻天津師範大學教育學院的情況。這表明李洪志一開始就想抓住這件事策劃一場更大的陰謀活動。
今年4月初，天津師範大學教育學院主辦的刊物《青少年科技博覽》，刊登了中國科學院院士何祚庥寫的文章《我不贊成青少年練氣功》，其中講到：「有一篇關於『法輪功』的宣傳材料，就說有某工程師練了『法輪功』後，元神出竅了，可以鑽到煉鋼爐裡，親眼看到煉鋼爐的原子分子的種種化學變化。」何祚庥就此詼諧地提出：「煉鋼爐裡的溫度比太上老君炭爐裡的溫度要高出幾百度，鑽進去，可能嗎？」文章另一段提到，中科院理論物理研究所有一名學生因為修煉「法輪功」而「不吃、不喝、不睡、不說話」，最後被送進精神病院治療，病癒後仍修煉「法輪功」，導致病情復發。
就是這樣一篇文章，使李洪志和「法輪功」的頭頭們感到有了鬧事的機會。4月19日，眾多的「法輪功」練習者突然湧進天津師大教育學院靜坐、示威，把學校正常的教學和生活秩序完全打亂。
去年5月，北京電視臺曾經因為一個節目裡有不同意「法輪功」的內容而遭到「法輪功」練習者1000多人數日的圍攻。但是李洪志認為那次圍攻組織得不好，未能把事情鬧大，為此他還撤掉了「法輪功」北京總站的一個負責人。這一次李洪志決心利用天津師大教育學院這件事掀起一場更大的風波。通過他操縱控制的「法輪大法研究會」的具體組織，事態果然一步步地擴大了：
———李洪志潛入北京的前一天，4月21日，「法輪大法研究會」副會長、李洪志跟前的另一個顯赫人物王治文，要求「法輪功」天津總站煽動練習者去天津師大教育學院示威。
———李洪志潛入北京的當天，4月22日，在天津師大教育學院聚集的「法輪功」練習者達到2000多人。「法輪功」天津總站再次派人到北京向王治文匯報。王治文對這麼多人去鬧錶示「滿意」，並指示他們：「可以白天去，晚上撤。」
———李洪志潛入北京的第二天，4月23日，圍攻天津師大教育學院的人數從2000多人激增到6000多人。當「法輪功」天津總站向王治文報告有關部門要勸離非法聚集的「法輪功」練習者時，王治文說：「怕什麼，這不正是考驗嗎？」隨後，兩三千名「法輪功」練習者又到天津市委、市政府門前非法聚集。
天津的事件正隨著李洪志來到北京而升溫。但是，李洪志的目標並不只是在天津鬧事，而是處心積慮地要把事態擴大到北京，造成更大規模的社會震蕩。
密室策劃 擴大事態
4月23日上午，李洪志把「法輪大法研究會」的核心骨幹李昌、紀烈武等人召到他的住處，密謀策劃把天津的事情鬧大，把火燒到北京中南海。
李昌和紀烈武在會上說：「天津的事情不能找北京哪個部門，要找中央和國務院。」李洪志當即說：「到北京去！」「要去中央，去國務院！」
李洪志強調：「人少了不行，要多去點。去年北京電視臺的事就是人去少了，要是去的人多，問題早就解決了。」同時，李洪志還讓王治文跟外地打招呼：「人來得越多越好」，強調「這是最後一次機會了。」
李洪志在這次秘密會議上還為圍攻中南海的活動制定了一個策略：不能用「法輪大法研究會」和輔導總站的名義去做這些事情，要把普通練習者推到鬧事的第一線。他要李昌、王治文、紀烈武等人去具體組織、落實。
「4.25」非法聚集中南海的計劃，就這樣在李洪志親自密謀策劃後定了下來。
23日下午1時30分左右，在首都體育館南路1號院30門15號，現已定居加拿大的「法輪功」核心骨幹葉浩的家裡，李昌、紀烈武秉承李洪志的旨意，召開了具體部署「4.25」非法聚集活動的第一次會議。
李昌傳達了李洪志的決定，要求他們通知所有「法輪功」練習者，4月25日清晨到中南海聚集。他特別強調，「不單是解決天津問題,而且是弘法和護法」。為了落實這一計劃，他們還決定利用24日的「學法例會」，向「法輪功」北京總站各輔導站的負責人進行布置。
會議還沒有結束，紀烈武就匆匆跑到李洪志住處，匯報計劃落實的情況和具體措施。李洪志對這次會議表示滿意。
23日晚，為了維護正常的社會秩序，天津市公安局對連續幾天圍攻天津師大教育學院的「法輪功」練習者採取了勸離措施。「法輪功」練習者陸續離去。整個行動很平和，公安局沒有抓一個人，也沒有發生其他任何問題。
天津「法輪功」練習者被勸離的消息傳到北京，當晚22時左右，「法輪大法研究會」的骨幹們又聚集在葉浩家召開了部署「4.25」非法聚集活動的第二次會議。會上，李昌、王治文造謠說：天津警察抓人了，聽說還死了人，還有人失蹤了。他們要求把這些謠言傳出去，為煽動「法輪功」練習者大規模非法聚集中南海作輿論準備。
會議還研究確定了去中南海向黨和政府施加壓力的三條無理要求：第一，要求公安機關立即放人；第二，給「法輪功」提供寬鬆的環境；第三，允許出版有關「法輪功」的書籍。
李洪志反覆標榜他「對政治不感興趣」，多次聲稱「『法輪功』不涉及政治」，可他一方面建立組織，秘密串聯，四處滲透；一方面搖旗吶喊，造謠惑眾，策動非法聚眾示威。從他們提出的這三條要求看，目的就在於把他們的非法組織合法化，任由他們發展，以便糾集、形成一股邪惡的政治勢力，與黨和政府進行長期的抗衡。這不是政治又是什麼呢！
越是陰謀，就越是害怕陽光。按照李洪志「不要暴露這次活動是『研究會』組織發動的」這一要求，「法輪大法研究會」核心骨幹密謀商定，「4.25」行動時李昌、王治文、紀烈武3人和北京總站負責人都不到中南海現場，以免有的「法輪功」練習者認出他們，看出他們的組織者身份。
李洪志在作了精心策劃、部署之後核心骨幹們商定，北京這邊一動，他就不宜留在北京，要趕快走，免得把自己暴露出來。為了掩蓋罪責，4月24日一早，李洪志匆匆收拾行李，在紀烈武的護送下趕往首都機場，買了10時20分飛往香港的CA111次航班的機票。但班機因機械故障不能準點起飛，李洪志又改乘CA109次航班，於13時30分飛往香港。
就這樣，李洪志從22日晚上到24日上午，在北京停留44個小時。在這段時間裡，他的全部心思都用在了策劃、組織「4.25」非法聚集活動上。他在雪梨對記者一本正經地說什麼「只在北京停留一天」、「沒與任何人接觸」等等，完全是一派胡言。
嚴密組織 惡意圍攻
李洪志匆匆溜走後，由他一手策劃的圍攻中南海行動，在李昌、王治文、紀烈武等人的具體組織下，緊鑼密鼓地付諸實施。同時，他坐鎮香港，遙控指揮。
4月24日上午8時30分，在北京東城區藏經館胡同7號，召開了「法輪功」北京總站及區縣輔導站骨幹的「學法例會」。「學法例會」，顧名思義是為學習「法輪功」而定期舉行的會議，實際上是「法輪大法研究會」操縱「法輪功」練習者的一個重要組織形式。這次「學法例會」，就成了他們為部署「4.25」非法聚集活動而舉行的第三次會議。
李昌、王治文在會上按照李洪志的要求，對「4.25」行動作了具體布置，確定去中南海聚集行動的具體時間為4月25日清晨。為了掩蓋他們的政治陰謀，會上決定：在中南海聚集現場，各分站長要特別安排一些人負責安全、交通、秩序和衛生，包括現場聯繫，出現情況和問題要及時處理；並確定了聚集的策略，參加的練習者不喊口號、不帶標語、不撒傳單、不要有過激言辭，對外不用「研究會」和輔導站的名義。會上還決定，「法輪功」北京總站副站長劉志春負責通知北京各區縣，王治文負責通知外地。
會上傳達了李洪志為了把練習者們哄騙到這次行動中來編出的一套說詞：為了「護法」，要站出來求得一個「圓滿」。同時要求通過各區縣分站把這個意思告訴練習者：為大法修煉爭取寬鬆環境，這本身也是「弘法」和「護法」，大家要自覺參與到「弘法」和「護法」中來；參加聚集行動是個人自願、個人行為、個人負責。
就這樣，李洪志一方面利用「師父」、「老師」的身份讓「法輪功」練習者按照他的圖謀行動；一方面又竭力避免把他自己和他的一套組織暴露出來。
4月24日下午，李昌、紀烈武等「法輪大法研究會」的核心骨幹及北京「法輪功」總站負責人，在葉浩家召開了部署「4.25」非法聚集活動的第四次會議。
李昌繼續抬出李洪志為大家打氣。他說：「師傅說這種事情是最後一次了，再也不會有什麼機會了。」
這次會議進一步明確了「4.25」行動現場指揮的組織分工：李昌、紀烈武負責全面指揮，王治文負責與外地聯絡，劉志春負責與北京各區縣聯絡，姚潔負責與現場聯絡，劉樹人負責通過網際網路對外發表宣傳稿件。會議還決定，在二七劇場附近的姚潔家設立「指揮部」，在民族宮附近柯明家設立現場聯絡點，派陳東月、李月秋等在中南海現場了解情況，及時向「指揮部」報告。最後，李昌反覆強調總站以上負責人均不到中南海聚集現場。
根據會議的分工，王治文以「法輪大法研究會」的名義，向河北、山東、遼寧、天津、內蒙古等地的「法輪功」負責人打出一系列電話，要求他們組織「法輪功」練習者於4月25日晨到北京中南海府右街「護法」。
李洪志的意圖，很快傳達給「法輪功」各總站站長，各總站站長又逐級傳達給各分站、輔導站以及練功者。至此，「4.25」行動的準備工作全部就緒。李洪志及其「法輪功」組織開始向黨和政府發難了。
4月24日21時40分，中南海北門出現了第一批約40名「法輪功」練習者。
25日凌晨3時07分，北海附近出現來自河北的十幾輛大客車，客車上的人陸續在附近地下通道內集中。
3時30分，另一部分人在護城河邊匯集。
5時13分，大批「法輪功」練習者開始從北海公園正門向西行進；另一批人從胡同中走向府右街。
6時55分，府右街出現大批行進人群。
7時，中南海西門府右街一帶已形成靜坐場面。
這以後，聚集的人繼續增多。至25日上午，人數已達1萬餘人。眾多善良的「法輪功」練習者，在李洪志的矇騙和煽動下，為了「長功」，為了「消業」，為了「圓滿」，為了尋找一個好「氣場」，來到中南海非法聚集。
4月25日上午8時，記者在事發現場看到，中南海北門路對面，自東向西一直到府右街北口，便道上站滿「法輪功」練習者。記者詢問其中一些人：「你們這是在做什麼？」來自北京遠郊縣的一名婦女說，要在這裡練功。記者問道：「這哪裡是練功的地方？為什麼要到這裡來練功？」這名婦女無言以對。下午，非法聚集人數逐漸增多。18時左右，人群已排列到北海公園前門團城下。此時，府右街的交通中斷，非法聚集嚴重影響了周圍地區的社會秩序。
根據事先的安排，25日清晨，李昌、王治文、紀烈武、劉志春等20多人陸續來到在姚潔家設立的「指揮部」，頻繁地與中南海聚集現場聯繫，不斷發布命令，進行指揮。
當日早上，中辦、國辦信訪局的工作人員約見了現場「法輪功」練習者的代表，明確指出「法輪功」練習者圍聚中南海是錯誤的、非法的，應立即撤離，並作了大量教育工作。9時許，「法輪功」現場人員向「指揮部」報告說，4名代表進了中南海「對話」，但進去的人對為什麼要搞這次活動說不清楚，又換了4個人進去，兩撥人都說不清楚，要求「法輪大法研究會」和北京總站派能說清楚的人去談。經李昌、王治文、紀烈武等人商量，並請示了在香港的李洪志同意後，決定由原來不準備露面的李昌、王治文等5人作為代表進中南海「對話」。
遙控指揮 圖謀難逞
4月25日，躲在香港的李洪志又在做什麼呢？
事實上，李洪志在香港的住所內，一刻也沒有閒著。25日一大早，他就打來電話向「法輪大法研究會」核心骨幹了解聚集中南海的情況。在整個事件過程中，他始終緊張地與北京的「指揮部」保持著「熱線」聯繫，不斷下達指示，遙控指揮現場活動。北京「指揮部」也不斷給李洪志打電話匯報、請示。25日當天，他們頻繁來往電話20多次。在通話中，他多次要求「讓外地人多來些，再多來些。」
紀烈武將現場情況和有關問題及時報告李洪志。當現場聚集一萬多人時，紀烈武打電話告訴了李洪志。李洪志說：「好，外地學員多不多？」在兩撥代表進中南海「對話」後，紀烈武也都及時向李洪志作了報告，李洪志說「行」。當中辦、國辦信訪局提出讓「法輪大法研究會」和「法輪功」北京總站派人來談時，紀烈武立即請示李洪志，李洪志答覆說:「找你談，你幹嘛不去。」
李昌、王治文、郝嘉鳳、周德承、劉樹人等「法輪大法研究會」的5名代表，與有關方面負責人無理糾纏長達八九個小時。在此期間，遠在香港的李洪志多次催問向中央施壓的結果。在沒有得到李洪志的指令之前，中南海周圍非法聚集的人群仍沒有散去的跡象。
當北京市政府發布通告要求聚集者離開時，紀烈武立即報告李洪志，並請示聚集在中南海附近的人撤不撤。李洪志問：代表出來沒有？紀烈武回答說，還沒有。李洪志明確表示不能撤。
21時左右，李昌、王治文等人出來後，紀烈武再次報告李洪志。李洪志問：談得怎麼樣？紀烈武說：「明天還要接著談。」由於中辦、國辦信訪局負責人嚴厲要求「法輪功」練習者立即停止非法聚集，他們請示李洪志當晚是否撤離，李洪志說：「老李(李昌)讓走就走吧。」紀烈武接到這一指令，通知「指揮部」，「讓大家都撤」。
李洪志一手策劃、指揮的「4.25」非法聚集圍攻中南海事件就這樣宣告收場。
4月26日清晨6時左右，當李洪志了解到李昌等人並沒有見到中央領導，就給紀烈武打來電話質問道：「昨天沒有見到中央領導，李昌怎麼就讓大家撤了？」為此，他大為惱火，責怪為什麼沒有談出個結果來。
8時左右，李昌、紀烈武等人陸續來到姚潔家。紀烈武說：昨天不該撤，師父還以為見到中央領導了，情況沒有搞清楚。李洪志還要他以「師父」的名義通知外地「法輪功」練習者繼續來京，要大家再去中南海，人越多越好。紀烈武還叫囂：「修煉的人什麼也不怕，不怕死；必要時還是要流點血，流血才好呢！」
紀烈武的話，清楚地表明了李洪志的險惡用心，他就是要把萬餘名「法輪功」練習者作為棋子，妄圖把中國安定團結的局面搞亂，以達到他不可告人的政治目的。
隨著事件真相的不斷披露，人們越來越清醒地認識到，「4.25」大規模非法聚集事件完全是一起有目的、有預謀、有組織、有策略地向黨和政府示威施壓、企圖搞亂全國的重大政治事件。
儘管4月25日當天李洪志不在北京，但他卻在中國的土地上操縱、指揮著「法輪功」練習者圍攻中南海的非法聚集事件。直至26日下午，紀烈武趕到香港，當面向李洪志詳細匯報了圍攻中南海的全部經過後，李洪志才搭乘國泰航空公司CX103次航班飛往澳大利亞布裡斯班。
從指責圍攻北京電視臺的人太少，到決定把天津的事情鬧大，並把火燒到北京來；從確定4月25日在北京發難，到決定圍攻中南海，直接向黨中央、國務院示威施壓；從決定不以「法輪大法研究會」的名義出面，而把不明真相的「法輪功」練習者推向前臺，到決定派出代表到中南海向黨中央、國務院提出三條無理要求；從對事件現場的遙控指揮，到決定事件的最終收場等大量事實充分證明，這一切都是李洪志親自策劃、指揮的。
李洪志的險惡陰謀徹底破滅了。但他苦心策劃、指揮的「4.25」非法聚集事件選在春夏之交，大有深意；地點定在中南海，居心險惡。這一切與國外敵對勢力掀起的反華濁流遙相呼應，幹了他們想幹而幹不了的事。
「蚍蜉撼大樹，可笑不自量」。這個自稱能洞悉宇宙奧秘的李洪志，錯誤地判斷了形勢，高估了自己的力量，到頭來只能是搬起石頭砸自己的腳，被押上歷史的審判臺。
2001年3月8日 08:57
Li's key role in meet unmasked
A LENGTHY report by the People's Daily and Xinhua News Agency on Thursday reviewed the entire story of the illegal gathering at Zhongnanhai by practitioners on April 25, and unveiled Li Hongzhi's behind-the-scenes scheme.
On April 25, more than 10,000 people systematically gathered around Zhongnanhai, headquarters of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) and the State Council.
This large-scale illegal gathering seriously disturbed the normal work of the top organizations of the Party and the State, disrupted social order in the capital Beijing, and was the most serious political incident since the 1989 political turmoil, and had an extremely bad impact at home and abroad.
The whole truth now has come out: the chief figure who directly plotted and controlled the incident was Li Hongzhi, the ringleader of the cult.
Li, who frequently gave media interviews abroad, however, lied at the beginning when he said he knew nothing about the April 25 illegal gathering, since he was en route from the United States to Australia at that time.
Faced with evidence of his stay in Beijing, Li had to correct himself, saying that he was in Beijing changing flights and did not leave the airport. When more evidence came out, Li again corrected himself and said he had been in Beijing for one day, but had "contacted nobody."
Li Hongzhi's lies have been laid bare by the facts, one after another. His crimes and schemes hidden behind these lies are now exposed to the public.
Li arrived in Beijing on April 22 from New York aboard US Northwest Airlines Flight NW087, and identified himself as a business person on his entry registration card. As a matter of fact, Li engaged in no commercial activities in Beijing up to the time he left for Hong Kong on Air China Flight CA109 on April 24. He actually stayed in Beijing for 44 hours, not one day as he claimed.
Li's return to Beijing was well planned. He notified Ji Liewu, a key member of the Research Society of Falun Dafa, in advance. As soon as Li returned to his Beijing residence in Chongwen District, Ji came to report the circumstances about practitioners besieging Tianjin Normal University.
Li's eagerness to learn about the siege shows, that from the very beginning, he wanted to plot an even larger incident out of the Tianjin gathering.
A magazine sponsored by Tianjin Normal University published an article on Qigong written by He Zuoxiu, an academic at the Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS), in early April.
He expounded his ideas on Qigong, questioning a piece of Falun Gong propaganda which claimed that after practising Falun Gong, an engineer was able to go into a working steel-smelting furnace and see with his own eyes the chemical changes occurring at the atomic and molecular level.
He also told what happened to a student with whom he was working at the CAS Institute of Theoretical Physics, to expose Falun Gong's evils.
The student had to be sent to a mental facility twice after refusing to eat, drink, or sleep, or speak to anyone after practising Falun Gong.
Leaders of Falun Gong including Li Hongzhi saw the limited circulation of the magazine in which He's article was published as an opportunity to make trouble.
On April 19, a massive number of Falun Gong practitioners burst into Tianjin Normal University, staging a sit-in demonstration, and completely disrupting the normal teaching and living activities at the university.
In May 1998, Beijing Television Station was besieged for several days by more than 1,000 Falun Gong practitioners because the station broadcast a programme unfavourable to Falun Gong.
Li Hongzhi, however, was not content with the turmoil he stirred up, and considered his actions up to then to be not influential enough. He even dismissed a leader of the Beijing branch, a branch of the Research Society of Falun Dafa, for not obeying his orders.
Li Hongzhi decided to make use of the event at Tianjin Normal University to cause a big storm. The Research Society of Falun Dafa, manipulated by Li Hongzhi, then enlarged the entire scenario, as Li expected.
On April 21, one day before Li Hongzhi sneaked into Beijing from the United States, Wang Zhiwen, deputy head of the society, incited the Tianjin branch to lodge a protest at Tianjin Normal University.
On April 22, when Li Hongzhi arrived in Beijing, over 2,000 practitioners took part in the gathering. Wang Zhiwen was satisfied with the situation and notified leaders of the Tianjin branch that practitioners could gather during the day and disperse at night.
On April 23, the second day Li spent in Beijing, practitioners at Tianjin Normal University proliferated to more than 6,000 from the original 2,000.
When the Tianjin branch prepared to ask the practitioners to leave on learning that the gathering would be stopped by the authorities, Wang Zhiwen, however, said the practitioners should not be afraid and should take it as a test. Another 2,000 to 3,000 people then gathered in front of the Tianjin Municipal People's Government.
The situation in Tianjin was getting worse as Li arrived in Beijing. But what Li deliberately planned was to cause social unrest on a larger scale, and Beijing became his next target.
On the morning of April 23, at his Beijing residence, Li Hongzhi called together several core members, including Li Chang and Ji Liewu, and agreed with them that the followers should "go to the central government, go to the State Council." He also asked to have more people drawn to Beijing. "The more, the better," he said, stressing that "this will be the last chance."
At this secret meeting, Li worked out a strategy for the massing around Zhongnanhai. The gathering could not be accomplished in the name of the Research Society of Falun Dafa and its branches, and ordinary practitioners should be pushed to the front line.
The April 25 illegal gathering was thus designed by Li Hongzhi and arranged and carried out by his key followers step by step.
On the afternoon of the same day, Li Chang, Ji Liewu and Ye Hao, another key member of Falun Gong organizations who now lives in Canada, held the first meeting to plot the April 25 illegal gathering in detail.
Li Chang related Li Hongzhi's decision on the Zhongnanhai massing. He asked Ji and Ye to inform all practitioners to get together outside Zhongnanhai early on the morning of April 25, to "not only solve the Tianjin problem, but also safeguard Falun Gong."
They also decided to tell leaders of the Beijing branch what to do at a routine meeting on April 24.
Before the meeting was over, Ji Liewu rushed to report the implementation plan to Li Hongzhi, who expressed his satisfaction with this preparatory meeting.
On the evening of April 23, practitioners in Tianjin abandoned their illegal besieging of Tianjin Normal University at the persuasion of local police. No one was detained and the retreat was peaceful.
When the news reached Beijing, Li Chang, Wang Zhiwen and some key members of the society held a meeting in Beijing at 10: 00 pm, in which they spread rumours that police in Tianjin had arrested some local Falun Gong leaders and practitioners, and that some were killed and others missing. Those rumours were intended to mobilize a large-scale illegal gathering near the Zhongnanhai compound.
At the meeting, they also decided to put forward three demands to the central government during the planned besieging of Zhongnanhai: first, those detained in Tianjin by the police be freed immediately; a more favourable and friendly environment be provided for the practice of Falun Gong; and Falun Gong publications be allowed.
Li Hongzhi repeatedly said he is "uninterested in political activities" and that "Falun Gong is not engaged in any form of politics." In fact, he had been actively and secretly planning to expand the illegal organization and penetrate its influence into every corner of society.
Their three demands to the central government were signs they were trying to legalize their illegal organization and activities, so as to challenge and rival the Party and the government.
In order to conceal the Falun Dafa Research Society as the organizer of the illegal gathering, (as Li Hongzhi had ordered), the key figures of the Society decided they would stay away from the gathering site for fear of being recognized by practitioners.
After these careful plots and arrangements, the key figures of the society said Li Hongzhi should not stay in Beijing during this time of action, but "must get out of here right away."
On the morning of April 24, Li purchased a ticket for Air China Flight CA111 at the airport to fly to Hong Kong. But because of the flight's delay, he changed to Flight CA109 for Hong Kong, and departed at 1:30 pm.
Li Hongzhi came to China in the capacity of a businessman, but devoted his 44-hour stay here totally to the planning and conspiring of the illegal gathering near Zhongnanhai. His claim to journalists in Sydney that he stayed in Beijing just for one day and never contacted anybody was a lie.
After Li Hongzhi fled out of Beijing, his key followers, including Li Chang and Wang Zhiwen, were left with the responsibility of implementing all his plans.
At 8:30 am on April 24, a "regular meeting for studying Falun Dafa" was held by the leaders of the Beijing general branch of the society and sub-branches in counties and districts in Beijing at the address 7 Cangjingguan Lane, in eastern Beijing.
Li and Wang said at the meeting that the date for the illegal gathering near Zhongnanhai compound would be April 25. The leaders of sub-branches were assigned the tasks of security, transportation, order and sanitary matters at the gathering site.
They set the strategy for the illegal gathering as "no slogans, no banners, no flyers, no fierce verbal attacks and no revelation of the organizer _ the Falun Dafa Research Society."
Deputy-director of the general branch in Beijing Liu Zhichun was told to inform all the sub-branches in Beijing, while Wang Zhiwen was responsible for the areas outside Beijing.
An announcement created by Li Hongzhi himself was also made during the meeting to coax practitioners out onto the streets. It was: everyone should stand up to fulfil their dues for the protection of Falun Dafa, and their actions should be individually voluntary.
It is evident Li was taking advantage of his capacity as "tutor" and "master" to realize his own political ambitions, and at the same time attempting to prevent his organization's illegal nature from being exposed.
On the afternoon of April 24, the Falun Dafa Research Society and its Beijing General Branch convened another meeting of key figures to further mobilize practitioners for the next day's move.
They set up "command headquarters" and a liaison centre, designated two persons responsible for communications between the gathering site and the headquarters, and another responsible for propaganda to be published on the Internet.
Li Chang further stressed that leaders above the level of general branches must refrain from appearing at the gathering site to avoid being recognized by practitioners.
Afterwards, Wang Zhiwen made numerous calls to local leaders in the provinces of Hebei, Shandong, Liaoning and the city of Tianjin, asking them to organize followers to go to the Zhongnanhai compound on the morning of April 25 to "protect Falun Dafa."
Now, "all the preparations for the April 25 action were ready," as Li Chang admitted later.
Later, everything went on just as planned by Li Hongzhi.
_ The first group of practitioners arrived at the northern gate of the Zhongnanhai compound as early as 9:40 pm on April 24;
_ In the small hours of April 25, at 3:07 am, passenger buses from nearby Hebei Province also arrived, and people began to disembark. At 3:30 am, another group of practitioners gathered at the moat near Zhongnanhai;
_ At 5:13 am, a large group of practitioners appeared at the gate of Beihai Park and walked westward; and at 5:34 am, many practitioners started to appear from lanes;
_ And by 7:00 am, a large-scale sit-in had been formed at the western gate of Zhongnanhai.
The size of the sit-in kept growing, and exceeded 10,000 by later that morning.
At 8:00 am, Xinhua reporters arrived at the site where the streets were full of practitioners, most being the elderly, women and farmers from the countryside.
When questioned, a woman farmer from Beijing's outskirts said they were practising Falun Gong, but refused to answer why they were doing it near Zhongnanhai.
The practitioners kept coming in the afternoon, and pedestrian traffic on the street in front of the western gate of Zhongnanhai was totally blocked, and transportation on Chang'an Avenue also was seriously affected.
According to previous arrangements, Li Chang, Wang Zhiwen, Ji Liewu and some 20 other key figures gathered at the "command headquarters" at Yao Jie's home. At 9:00 am, the "headquarters" received reports from the sit-in site that four representatives were sent to talk with the central government, but failed to give clear reasons for the gathering.
Members at the sit-in site requested capable people from the Falun Dafa research society or its Beijing general branch to come out for the "dialogue."
Finally, Li Chang and Wang Zhiwen decided to come out of the closet, and headed a five-member "delegation" to the Zhongnanhai compound for "dialogue."
Li Hongzhi, then in Hong Kong, was by no means inactive. He was in close touch with the Beijing "headquarters," hearing reports and issuing orders. Evidence shows that over 20 calls were made between Li and the "headquarters" on April 25, and that all the actions in Beijing were taken after being directed by Li Hongzhi.
When Ji Liewu informed Li Hong zhi that about 10,000 people had already gathered at the sit-in site, Li asked, "Are there many practitioners from outside Beijing?"
When he was told that the first two groups of "negotiators" were sent to Zhongnanhai, Li said, "All right."
Li also asked Ji, "Why don't you go to Zhongnanhai now that they (the government) want to talk with you?"
The Beijing Municipal Government issued a decree demanding that the demonstrators leave. Li Hongzhi told Ji that they should still wait until the "negotiators" came out. The five "negotiators" headed by Li Chang pestered the Letters and Calls Bureau of the State Council for nearly nine hours.
When the "negotiators" all came out, Li asked how it was going. Ji answered that the talks would continue the next day. Then, Li said the practitioners besieging Zhongnanhai may leave.
At around 6:00 am on April 26, when Li came to know his " negotiators" were not talking with leaders of the central government, he called Ji Liewu to furiously blame Li Chang for calling off the sit-in before talking to top officials.
With pieces of evidence coming together, it is now known that the April 25 illegal gathering at Zhongnanhai was a premeditated and well-organized political incident aimed at exerting pressure on the Party and the government and unsettling the country.
Evidence shows that Li Hongzhi was the behind-the-scenes chief organizer of all illegal activities, from the attacks on the Beijing TV Station, the escalation of the sit-in demonstration in Tianjin and to the April 25 illegal gathering in Beijing.
However, the man who claims to possess supernatural powers has overestimated his own power. He is no more than a flea trying vainly to topple an elephant, and he will be tried by history.
(Xinhua, August 14, 1999)