However, only in a real legal system that ensures that certain rules are implemented to the letter and that the competent authorities with the power to implement them do not use them for any other purpose can small states maintain their independence in international affairs as they do in domestic situations. Although such supranational institutions must be powerful in order to ensure the fulfillment of their task of implementing the common law, the constitutional design of such international institutions must prevent international and national authorities from becoming tyrannical institutions. If we are not willing to limit power in ways that may sometimes prevent it from being used for desirable purposes, we will not be able to prevent its abuse. At the end of this war, the greatest opportunity we will have is that the victorious powers themselves must first submit to a system of rules that their ownership has put into practice, and perhaps should also have the moral right to impose the same rules on other countries.An international institution that effectively limits the power of the state over the individual will be the best guarantee for peace. The rule of law in the international context must ensure that the state does not tyranny against individuals, and that the new super state does not tyranny against nation states. Our goal is neither a super state with unlimited power, nor a loose union of "free states", but a community of free nations. We have argued for a long time that it is impossible to do what we think is appropriate in international affairs, because other countries refuse to follow the rules. Now that the war is coming to an end, it will be an opportunity to show that we are sincere and that we are also prepared to accept the restrictions on freedom of movement that we believe are necessary to impose on other countries in the common interest.The principle of federalism can be the best solution to some of the most intractable problems in the world if it is applied properly. However, the application of this principle is a very difficult task, and if we abuse and demand this principle in our too ambitious attempts, we will not easily succeed. There may be a strong tendency to turn any new international organization into an all-round and world-scale organization, and of course there will also be an urgent need for such a comprehensive organization, such as a new League of nations. The great danger is that if we try to rely on this world organization alone, we will entrust it with all the tasks that seem to be worth putting into the hands of an international organization, and it will not be able to fulfill these tasks satisfactorily enough. I have always been convinced that this aspiration is the root cause of the weakness of the League of nations, which has to be made weak in its (unsuccessful) attempt to become a world-scale institution, and that a smaller and stronger alliance may become a better tool for maintaining peace. I believe that these reasons are still valid, and that a certain degree of cooperation can be achieved between the British Empire and Western European countries (and perhaps the United States), but it is not possible in the world. The relatively close union represented by a federal organization may not even surpass a narrow region like a part of Western Europe at first, though it can be gradually expanded. 但是，只有在一種既保證某些規章得到不折不扣地執行，又保證有權執行這些規章的主管當局不把它們用於任何其它目的的真正的法律制度內，小國才能像在國內場合那樣在國際事務方面保持自己的獨立性。雖然為了確保完成其執行共同法的任務，這種超國家機構必須很有權力，但是在設計這種國際機構的憲制時，必須防止國際當局以及國家當局成為暴政機構。如果我們不願意用有時也可能妨礙把權力用於合乎願望的目的的方法來限制權力，我們將不能防止權力被濫用。在這次戰爭結束時，我們將會得到的最大的機會就是：戰勝的大國自己也得首先服從一個他們所有權付諸實施的規則體系，也許應該同時獲得把同樣的規則加之於他國的道義上的權利。一個有效地限制國家對個人的權力的國際機構，將是對和平的一個最好保障。國際範圍內的法治必須保障國家不對個人、同時保障這種新的超級國家不對各個民族國家施行暴政。我們的目標既不是具有無限權力的超級國家，也不是那種「自由國家」的散漫聯合體，而必須是自由人的國家的共同體。我們在很久以來辯解說，在國際事務中，要想照我們認為是合宜的那樣去做是不可能的，因為其它國家不肯照著規矩來行事。那麼，戰爭行將結束，這將是一個機會來表明我們是誠心誠意的，並且表明我們自己也同樣準備接受那些我們認為為了共同利益有必要施之於他國的、對行動自由的限制。聯邦制組織原則只須善為運用，確能成為對世界上某些最為棘手的問題的最好解決辦法。但是，這個原則的運用是一項極為困難的任務，並且，如果因我們在過於雄心勃勃的嘗試中濫用和苛求該原則，我們就不易取得成功。也許會存在一種把任何新的國際組織搞成全方位的和世界規模的組織的強烈趨勢，並且當然也會存在一種對於某種這樣的綜合性組織——如某種新的國際聯盟——的迫切需要。很大的危險在於，如果試圖單單依靠這一世界性組織，那就會把一切似乎值得置之於一個國際組織之手的任務都交 付它來負責辦理，而它實際上不會足夠令人滿意地完成這些任務。我始終確信，這種奢望乃是國際聯盟軟弱的根源，在它（不成功地）試圖成為世界規模的機構中，它不得不被搞得軟弱，而一個更小的、同時更為強有力的聯盟也許可以成為一個維護和平的更好的工具。我相信這些理由現在仍然站得住腳，並且在英帝國和西歐國家（也許還有美國）之間能夠取得某種程度的合作，但在世界範圍內，這種合作卻是不可能的。一個聯邦組織所代表的比較密切的聯合，也許其覆蓋面起初甚至不能超越像西歐的某一局部地區那樣狹小的一個區域，雖則它可以逐步得到擴展。 王牌贏家·王牌贏家免費閱讀·王牌贏家王浩李潔·王牌贏家王浩·李潔·李潔王浩·李潔人·李潔超級划算·李潔王浩筆下文學·李潔王浩日照·李潔王浩結最後局·王浩·王浩信·王浩李潔·王浩宇
我叫王浩，大學畢業後，找不到好工作，混了三年，一事無成。 正當自己處於人生低谷的時候，一個意外的電話，卻讓我的命運出現了拐點。↓ 長按識別開始看 ↓