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謝謝觀看
TRODUCTION
fcomes according to service rendered, is the only remedy of poverty. The chief root of poverty is, as I said, the insufficiency of properly paid work, and this is entirely due to the haphazard and unsystematic nature of our industrial order. The private employer looks only to the actual demand of commodities, or to the actual funds for buying commodities. He has no interest in the moneyless unemployed; indeed, he finds it a convenience to have a large number from which he may select his workers. As a result, a large proportion of our people are unable to demand their normal share of commodities because they are not employed, or because they have no wage; and they are not employed because they do not demand commodities. Plainly, the community alone can alter this paradoxical state of things; and, since the community is now compelled by its more humane sentiments to carry the poor on its shoulders, it may at length be induced to see that it would be better to set them on their own feet. In a properly organised industrial system a worker will be paid by the commodities which he or she actually produces, or their exchange-value. There can be no such thing as a superfluous worker. It is only a lamentable issue of our perverse pre-scientific system that millions must lack the food and clothing and luxuries which they themselves could and would, under a more orderly system, produce.
is multitude of abject dependants was interested in the
support of the actual government from the dread of a
revolution, which might at once confound their hopes and
intercept the reward of their services. In this divine hierarchy
(for such it is frequently styled) every rank was marked with
the most scrupulous exactness, and its dignity was displayed
in a variety of trifling and solemn ceremonies, which it was a
study to learn, and a sacrilege to neglect. The purity of the
Latin language was debased, by adopting, in the intercourse of
pride and flattery, a profusion of epithets, which Tully would
scarcely have understood, and which Augustus would have
rejected with indignation. The principal officers of the empire
were saluted, even by the sovereign himself, with the deceitful
titles of your Sincerity, your Gravity, your Excellency, your
Eminence, your sublim
haps authorize the measure of a
Byzantine historian, who assigns sixteen Greek (about
fourteen Roman) miles for the circumference of his native city.
Such an extent may not seem unworthy of an Imperial
residence. Yet Constantinople must yield to Babylon and
Thebes, to ancient Rome, to London, and even to Paris.
Chapter XVII: Foundation Of Constantinople. -Part II.
The master of the Roman world, who aspired to erect an
eternal monument of the glories of his reign could employ in
the prosecution of that great work, the wealth, the labor, and
all that yet remained of the genius of obedient millions. Some
estimate may be formed of the expense bestowed with Imperial
liberality on the foundation of Constantinople, by the
allowance of about two millions five hundred thousand pounds
for the construction of the walls, the porticos, and the
aqueducts. The forests that overshadowed the shores of the
Euxine, and the celebrated quarries of white marble in the
little island of Proconnesus, supplied an inexhaustible stock of
materials, ready to be conveyed, by the convenience of a short
water carriage, to the harbor of Byzantium. A multitude of
laborers and artificers urged the conclusion of the work with
incessant toil: but the impatience of Constantine soon
discovered, that, in the decline of the arts, the skill as well as
numbers of his architects bore a very unequal proportion to
the greatness of his designs. The magistrates of the most
distant provinces were therefore directed to institute schools,
to appoint professors, and by the hopes of rewards and
privileges, to engage in the study and practice of architecture a
sufficient number of ingenious youths, who had received a
liberal education. The buildings of the new city were executed
by such artificers as the reign of Constantine could afford; but
they were decorated by the hands of the most celebrated
masters of the age of Pericles and Alexander. To revive the
genius of Phidias and Lysippus, surpassed indeed the powe
e and wonderful Magnitude, your
illustrious and magnificent Highness. The codicils or patents
of their office were curiously emblazoned with such emblems
as were best adapted to explain its nature and high dignity;
the image or portrait of the reigning emperors; a triumphal
car; the book of mandates placed on a table, covered with a
rich carpet, and illuminated by four tapers; the allegorical
figures of the provinces which they governed; or the
appellations and standards of the troops whom they
commanded Some of these official ensigns were really
exhibited in their hall of audience; others preceded their
pompous march whenever they appeared in public; and every
circumstance of their demeanor, their dress, their ornaments,
and their train, was calculated to inspire a deep reverence for
the representatives of supreme majesty. By a philosophic
observer, the system of the Roman government might have
been mistaken for a splendid theatre, filled with players of
every character and degree, who repeated the language, and
imitated the passions, of their original model.
All the magistrates of sufficient importance to find a place in
the general state of the empire, were accurately divided into
three classes. 1. The Illustrious. 2. The Spectabiles, or
Respectable. And, 3. the Clarissimi; whom we may translate
by the word Honorable. In the times of Roman simplicity, the
last-mentioned epithet was used only as a vague expression of
deference, till it became at length the peculiar and
appropriated title of all who were members of the senate, and
consequently of all who, from that venerable body, were
selected to govern the provinces. The vanity of those who, from
their rank and office, might claim a superior distinction above
the rest of the senatorial order, was long afterwards indulged
with the new appellation of Respectable; but the title of
Illustrious was always reserved to some eminent personages
who were obeyed or reverenced by the two subordinate
classes. It was communicated only, I. To the consuls and
patricians; II. To the Prætorian præfects, with the præfects of
Rome and Constantinople; III. To the masters-general of the
cavalry and the infantry; and IV. To the seven ministers of the
palace, who exercised their sacred functions about the person
of the emperor. Among those illustrious magistrates who were
esteemed coordinate with each other, the seniority of
appointment gave place to the union of dignities. By the
expedient of honorary codicils, the emperors, who were fond of
multiplying their favors, might sometimes gratify the vanity,
though not the ambition, of impatient courtiers.
I. As long as the Roman consuls were the first magistrates of a
free state, they derived their right to power from the choice of
the people. As long as the emperors condescended to disguise
the servitude which they imposed, the consuls were still
elected by the real or apparent suffrage of the senate. From
the reign of Diocletian, even these vestiges of liberty were
abolished, and the successful candidates who were invested
with the annual honors of the consulship, affected to deplore
the humiliating condition of their predecessors. The Scipios
and the Catos had been reduced to solicit the votes of
plebeians, to pass through the tedious and expensive forms of
a popular election, and to expose their dignity to the shame of
a public refusal; while their own happier fate had reserved
them for an age and government in which the rewards of
virtue were assigned by the unerring wisdom of a gracious
sovereign. In the epistles which the emperor addressed to the
two consuls elect, it was declared, that they were created by
his sole authority. Their names and portraits, engraved on gilt
tables of ivory, were dispersed over the empire as presents to
the provinces, the cities, the magistrates, the senate, and the
people. Their solemn inauguration was performed at the place
of the Imperial residence; and during a period of one hundred
and twenty years, Rome was constantly deprived of the
presence of her ancient magistrates. On the morning of the
first of January, the consuls assumed the ensigns of their
dignity. Their dress was a robe of purple, embroidered in silk
and gold, and sometimes ornamented with costly gems. On
this solemn occasion they were attended by the most eminent
officers of the state and army, in the habit of senators; and the
useless fasces, armed with the once formidable axes, were
borne before them by the lictors. The procession moved from
the palace to the Forum or principal square of the city; where
the consuls ascended their tribunal, and seated themselves in
the curule chairs, which were framed after the fashion of
ancient times. They immediately exercised an act of
jurisdiction, by the manumission of a slave, who was brought
before them for that purpose; and the ceremony was intended
to represent the celebrated action of the elder Brutus, the
author of liberty and of the consulship, when he admitted
among his fellow-citizens the faithful Vindex, who had revealed
the conspiracy of the Tarquins. The public festival was
continued during several days in all the principal cities in
Rome, from custom; in Constantinople, from imitation in
Carthage, Antioch, and Alexandria, from the love of pleasure,
and the superfluity of wealth. In the two capitals of the empire
the annual games of the theatre, the circus, and the
amphitheatre, cost four thousand pounds of gold, (about) one
hundred and sixty thousand pounds sterling: and if so heavy
an expense surpassed the faculties or the inclinations of the
magistrates themselves, the sum was supplied from the
Imperial treasury. As soon as the consuls had discharged
these customary duties, they were at liberty to retire into the
shade of private life, and to enjoy, during the remainder of the
year, the undisturbed contemplation of their own greatness.
They no longer presided in the national councils; they no
longer executed the resolutions of peace or war. Their abilities
(unless they were employed in more effective offices) were of
little moment; and their names served only as the legal date of
the year in which they had filled the chair of Marius and of
Cicero. Yet it was still felt and acknowledged, in the last period
of Roman servitude, that this empty name might be compared,
and even preferred, to the possession of substantial power.
The title of consul was still the most splendid object of
ambition, the noblest reward of virtue and loyalty. The
emperors themselves, who disdained the faint shadow of the
republic, were conscious that they acquired an additional
splendor and
n the English Agnostic school arose its leaders were taunted by the clergy with a wish to rationalise or alter morality. By a natural reaction they cultivated a particular zeal for virtue, and accepted the old code in its entirety. Those moralists who appealed to a 「categorical imperative」 or an 「intuition」 had no difficulty in doing this. Indeed, any man who to-day accepts the Stoic idea of morality, or the æsthetic idea (that virtue is so beautiful that we must cultivate it), has as much right as the Christian to profess a regard for chastity. There ensued a kind of rivalry of virtue between the clergy and the new pagans. I