2020年真的給大家留下了太多難以忘懷的記憶。
前幾天跨年的時候大家還在一邊感慨這一年時光的飛逝，一邊盤點著大大小小經歷的事情。
萬萬沒想到，美國的大選就將2020年的奇幻延續到了2021年。
從最初抱著吃瓜看熱鬧的心態開始，大家還對兩位老人公開的（吵架）辯論樂見其成。
可直到昨天，事態的發展突然不可控了起來。
川普的支持者們衝進了國會大廈，共造成了4人死亡20人受傷。警方甚至還在現場找到了3個爆炸裝置，如果它們在人群如此密集的地方被引爆，後果可能真的無法設想……
如果說之前川普對於總統位置的執著還可以被人理解，那將權力競爭演變成暴力衝突就真的觸及到民眾和國家的底線了。
美國的多所高校紛紛發表聲明，明確反對了這一暴力事件，並給出了自己的呼籲。
https://www.sp2.upenn.edu/responding-to-yesterdays-events-in-washington-dc/
Dear Members of the SP2 Community,
The vicious invasion and riot that transpired at the U.S. Capitol yesterday was appalling, disturbing, and no less than an outright assault on our Democracy—the likes of which we have not seen since the War of 1812, and one we hope our generations and the ones that come after us will never have to witness again.
昨天發生在美國國會大廈的暴力入侵和暴動太令人震驚和令人不安了，這對我們的民主制度來說，無疑是一次直接的重大打擊。自1812年戰爭以來我們從未看到過這種襲擊，我們希望我們的子孫後代和未來的人都不需要再次看到同樣的事情發生。
It is most especially troubling and challenging to reconcile given the excessive, unjust force and violence we have seen perpetrated toward protestors demonstrating against police brutality and murder over the last year. The terrible effects of racism and white supremacy in this country were once again abundantly clear given the discrepancy in the responses to yesterday’s insurrection. We want you to know that we share your anger, disbelief, shock, and pain, and we are here to support you. We are concerned for the impact this is having on our community and everyone in this country.
過去這一年，我們看到了太多，施加在抗議警察暴行和公權力謀殺的示威者身上的不公正的武力和暴力，也正因此，雙方的和解如此之難且充滿挑戰。對於昨天暴動的反應存在著諸多分歧意見，種族主義和白人至上主義在這個國家的可怕影響再次得到了充分的驗證。我們希望您知道我們感同身受您的憤怒，懷疑，震驚和痛苦，我們在這裡為您提供支持。我們擔心也關心著，這一事件對我們的社區和在這個國家的每個人產生各種影響。
We, as a School wholly invested in social welfare and good policy—including the peaceful transfer of power, do not accept the horrendous events that ensued, nor will we stand by quietly on these matters. As a functioning society, we do not have to agree on everything. However, what occurred in Washington, D.C. yesterday has no rightful place in our country or anywhere.
作為一家全力投入社會福利和良好政策（包括權力的和平移交權力）的學校，我們不接受隨之而來的可怕事件，也不會在這些問題上保持沉默。作為一個運轉良好的社會，我們不必在所有事情上達成共識。但是，昨天在華盛頓特區發生的事在我們國家或任何地方都沒有合法的位置。
The fiber and integrity of our communities will not and cannot be driven out by hate and dangerous rhetoric, if we continue to focus on the big picture and do the hard work of promoting social justice. Our School’s programming, evidence-based research, and community engagement, all contribute to leadership for equitable social policy and practice. There is hope, and together, we have the strength, kindness, humility, and ability to prevail.
如果我們繼續著眼於大局並為促進社會正義而努力，那麼我們的社區結構的完整性將不會，也不能被仇恨和危險的言論驅散。我們學校的各種項目，各種詢證研究以及社區參與，都為領導公平的社會政策和實踐做出了貢獻。我們希望且我們一起擁有力量，友善，謙卑和戰勝這一切困難的能力。
We will not easily forget yesterday’s deleterious acts, nor should we, but it is important for us to also remember the positive progress and transformation that is still possible, even in the darkest of moments. We, at SP2, are committed to continue to do our part in the transformational process that is needed in our country.
Sincerely,
Sally Bachman, PhD
Dean
我們不會輕易忘記昨天的暴力事件，也不應該忘記，但對我們而言，重要的是要記住即使在最黑暗的時刻，仍然可能取得的積極進展和轉變。在SP2學院，我們致力於繼續在我們國家所需的轉型過程中發揮自己的作用。
https://andrewdmartin.wustl.edu/statement-on-violence-at-u-s-capitol/
Democracy is the cornerstone of American society. It is the most fundamental, consequential, and enduring principle of our nation’s history and identity. The events taking place at the U.S. Capitol are unacceptable on every level and represent a threat to our nation. I am shaken and heartbroken.
民主是美國社會的基石。這是我們國家歷史和民族身份上最根本，最重要和最持久的原則。在美國國會大廈正在發生的事件，在各個層面上都是無法接受的，這對我們國家構成了極大的威脅。我對此感到十分震驚和痛心。
In politics, there will be disagreement. But violence is never the answer. There is no place in the United States for these acts of insurrection and mayhem, and we must stand together – as individuals and institutions – against the forces that seek to divide us. I denounce the violence taking place in Washington, D.C., and elsewhere in the country and call on our elected leaders and every American to uphold our constitutional principles, honor the rule of law, and respect the truth. What we are seeing today shall not define who we are as a nation.
Andrew D. Martin
Chancellor
在政治上，分歧是永遠存在的。但是暴力卻絕對不應該是分歧的解決方案。在美國，我們從來不會給暴亂和騷動以機會，無論個人和還是組織，我們都必須團結起來，站在一起去反對企圖分裂我們的勢力。我譴責正發生在華盛頓特區或者全國其他地方的暴力事件，並強烈呼籲我們選出的領導人和每一個美國人，都應該堅持我們的憲法原則，以法治為榮，尊重真理。作為一個國家，我們今天所看到的一切不會定義我們是誰。
https://www.sp2.upenn.edu/responding-to-yesterdays-events-in-washington-dc/
Expert on authoritarianism discusses president’s voter fraud claims, future of U.S. democracy.
Editor’s note: This interview was originally conducted before the violent events of Jan. 6, 2021 in Washington, D.C. Some of the answers have been updated accordingly.
芝加哥大學採訪了一個研究「Authoritarianism」的教授Michael Albertus，來談論美國近期的各種政治事件。
編者註：這次採訪最初是在2021年1月6日在華盛頓特區發生暴力事件之前進行的。部分採訪的回答已經相應更新。
Since his defeat in November, President Donald Trump has challenged the outcome of the 2020 presidential election at every turn.
自從11月被選舉落敗以來，唐納·川普總統一直在挑戰著2020年總統大選的結果。
The effects of those efforts culminated yesterday, when a violent group overran the U.S. Capitol during the Congressional certification of Joe Biden’s Electoral College win. Those events represent an 「egregious attempt to overturn the election,」 said Assoc. Prof. Michael Albertus, and a 「failing」 on the part of American democracy to uphold one of its most basic tenets—the peaceful transfer of power.
這些努力的效果在昨天達到了高潮，當時在美國國會通過了喬·拜登（Joe Biden）選舉團選舉的認證期間，暴力的人群壓倒了美國國會大廈。這些事件代表著「顛覆選舉的巨大企圖」，麥可·阿爾伯特斯（Michael Albertus）教授這樣說。美國民主最基本的宗旨之一是和平轉交權力，但這一事件顯然是美國民主中的失敗的一部分。
Albertus has written about the legacy of authoritarianism in democracies, and is an expert on dictatorship, regime transitions and civil conflict. In the following Q&A, the University of Chicago political scientist discusses the causes and lasting consequences of Trump’s attempts to delegitimize and overturn the outcome of the presidential election.
阿爾伯特斯（Albertus）曾撰寫過關於民主制中威權主義的文章，並且是dictatorship, regime transitions and civil conflict的專家。在接下來的問答中，芝加哥大學的政治學家討論了川普試圖實現合法化和推翻總統選舉結果的企圖和持久後果。
What are the implications of a pro-Trump mob storming the U.S. Capitol to disrupt the vote certification? How can Congressional leaders and the incoming Biden administration assert the strength of American democracy in light of these events?
親川普的暴民席捲美國國會大廈以破壞投票結果的影響是什麼？鑑於這些事件，國會領導人和即將上任的拜登政府如何才能維護美國民主的力量？
Storming the Capitol is an egregious attempt to overturn the election. The peaceful transfer of power from one incumbent to another is one of the most important tenets of democracy. The U.S. is failing that test. Trump’s refusal to concede and his characterization of the election as massively fraudulent are further violations of critical democratic processes. I fear that this is going to snowball into a movement that is going to threaten American democracy for years. At a minimum, it will fuel intimidation, a panoply of death threats for incumbent Democrats and mainstream Republicans and further radicalism in Republican primaries. There is no easy way out; even impeaching Trump in his waning days in office or prosecuting him down the line carries major risks.
Storming the Capitol是顛覆選舉的巨大企圖。將權力從一個任職者和平轉移到另一任任職者是民主的最重要宗旨之一。但這一次，美國沒有通過民主的測試。川普拒絕讓步，以及他將選舉描述為大規模欺詐行為，這進一步違反了關鍵的民主程序。我擔心這會造成滾雪球效應，暴力可能會愈演愈烈，在未來幾年事件裡持續地威脅美國民主。至少，它將加劇恐嚇，加劇對現任民主黨人和主流共和黨人的死亡威脅，以及共和黨初選中的進一步激進主義。目前看來，沒有簡單的出路，甚至在任職日漸低落的時期對川普進行彈劾或直接起訴他都將帶來重大風險。
I wrote elsewhere that Trump’s actions were closest to an auto-coup, but were really about stealing the election. This is still about stealing the election. Although, if Trump is linked directly to inciting this attempt to prevent the newly elected president from taking office, it is closer to a coup attempt than an auto-coup.
我曾經寫過，川普的行動最接近自動政變，但實際上是在竊取選舉。這仍然是在竊取選舉結果。雖然，如果川普是直接關係到這個煽動企圖阻止新當選的總統自上任的事件，比自動政變，它更接近於未遂政變。
To what extent have Trump’s attempts to overturn the election result eroded trust in our democratic institutions, on both the right and the left?
川普試圖推翻選舉結果的嘗試在多大程度上削弱了我們對左右兩邊民主機構的信任？
Some of Trump’s supporters seem to be truly concerned about the integrity of the system. But most of their concerns are misplaced, and driven by media chatter about fraud and machine manipulation, both of which are highly unusual and very unlikely to have affected the outcome of this election. Nonetheless, many of these supporters are continuing to lose faith in our democratic institutions—a continuation of a longstanding trend.
川普的一些支持者似乎是真的在擔心我們民主系統的完整性。但是他們的大多數擔憂都放錯了地方，並且是由於媒體對選舉欺詐和機器操縱投票的喋喋不休的輿論引導而引發的。但其實，這兩種情況（選舉欺詐和機器操縱投票）極為罕見，而且不太可能影響選舉的結果。儘管如此，許多川普的支持者仍對我們的民主體制失去信心，並且有長期延續的趨勢。
Those on the left are losing faith for a different reason: An incumbent president is trying to use the federal government and partisan relationships with state-level institutions to steal an election. When faith in democracy declines across the board, that is always cause for concern about how institutions will hold up to their next big challenge.
左翼人士由於不同的原因而失去了信仰：現任總統正試圖利用聯邦政府和黨派與州級機構的關係來竊取選舉。當人們對民主的信念全面下降時，這總是引起人們對體制如何應對下一個重大挑戰的擔憂。
How does Trump’s behavior compare to that of authoritarian leaders elsewhere? Is it similar or different in any significant ways? Has the 「stress test」 of the Trump presidency highlighted our democracy’s strengths, weaknesses or both?
川普的行為與其他地方的authoritarian leaders相比如何？它在任何重要方面是否相似或不同？川普總統的「壓力測試」是否突出了我們民主的優勢或劣勢？
Many aspects of Trump’s behavior echo authoritarians around the globe. The most basic instinct of authoritarians is to hold on to power no matter what citizens have to say about it. Fortunately, Trump has some weaknesses: Many civil servants in his own government, and even some appointed officials, refuse to carry out his orders. The courts have repeatedly struck down his lawsuits that are intended to change the electoral outcome.
川普行為的許多方面都和其他世界的authoritarian leaders一樣。威權主義者最基本的立場是，無論公民怎麼說，都必須堅持執政。幸運的是，川普有一些弱點：他本國政府的許多公務員，甚至一些任命的官員，都拒絕執行他的命令。法院一再駁回他旨在改變選舉結果的訴訟。
However, these four years have also highlighted the importance of norms in upholding democracy. Congress has repeatedly stepped aside in checking the president for partisan reasons. And other norms, such as making tax returns public or respecting the independence of the Department of Justice, have been challenged. While the strengths are heartening, overall, I think that the vast majority of observers are surprised by the depth of the weaknesses.
但是，這四年也突出了需要強化和設立相關規定來維護民主制度的重要性。國會一再因為黨派原因而在監察總統這件事情上不作為。例如公開報稅表或尊重司法部的獨立性等其他制度，也受到了挑戰。總體而言，儘管優勢令人振奮，但我認為絕大多數觀察員對劣勢的深度感到驚訝。