譯者按：今天帶來文章的最後一部分，有的時候人們記住了公眾人物，記住了英雄，卻遺忘了背後為之奮鬥的人們。
Another example: the gender dynamics within the Black Panther Party. The group certainly contained elements of revolutionary feminism, including in how it both armed and elevated women.
另一個例證：黑豹黨內部的性別動態。這個團體肯定包含了革命女權主義的元素，包括如何武裝和提升女性。
"These aren't just your sisters.They're your sisters-in-arms," as Daniel Kaluuya's Fred Hampton saysin the excellent new film, "Judas and the Black Messiah." But the party wasn't free of sexism.
「她們不僅是你的姐妹，也是武裝起來的姐妹。」正如丹尼爾·卡盧亞飾演的弗雷德·漢普頓在精彩的新電影《猶大與黑人彌賽亞》中所說的那樣。但是黑豹黨並非沒有性別歧視。
"While the (Black Panther) paper's iconography celebrated strong Black women carrying weapons and functioning as dedicated soldiers to the revolutionary cause, the texts tended to argue for an assertion of masculine authority and a sexual division of labor," writes Jane Rhodes, a professor at the University of Illinois at Chicago, in her 2007 book, "Framing the Black Panthers: The Spectacular Rise of a Black Power Icon."
「雖然（黑豹黨）的紙質圖標慶祝強大的黑人女性攜帶著武器，就像用於獻身於革命事業的士兵，但是文本則傾向於主張男性權威和性別分工。」芝加哥伊利諾伊大學教授簡·羅茲2007年出版的書《「黑豹黨人框架:一個黑人權力圖標的壯觀的崛起》中寫道。
Women weren't the only ones who were at times minimized within the movement. For instance, James Baldwin's queerness discomfited some civil rights activists, and others dismissed the writer as"Martin Luther Queen."
女性並不是在運動中被低估的唯一角色。比如詹姆斯·鮑德溫的怪異讓一些民權人士感到不適，還有人將這名作家稱為「馬丁·路德女王」。
In his influential 1968 essay collection(and prison memoir) "Soul on Ice," the early Black Panther Party leader Eldridge Cleaver twists Black homosexuality into a deeper denial of Black masculinity: "It seems that many Negro homosexuals, acquiescing in this racial death-wish, are outraged and frustrated because in their sickness they are unable to have a baby by a White man."
在他1968年頗具影響力的論文集（以及監獄回憶錄）《冰靈》中，他寫道，早期的黑豹黨領袖埃爾德裡奇·克裡夫將黑人同性戀扭曲為一種對黑人男性氣概的深度否認：「似乎許多黑人同性戀者，默許了這種種族死亡的願望，因為無法與白人男性生孩子的弱點而感到憤怒和挫敗。」
Young people, too, often assumed a secondary status. In 1955, months before Rosa Parks achieved notoriety for her role in the Montgomery bus boycott, 15-year-old Claudette Colvin refused to give up her seat on a bus. She was arrested and eventually became one of the plaintiffs in "Browder v. Gayle." The following year, the US Supreme Court upheld the district court's ruling and ordered Montgomery -- and the rest of Alabama -- to end bus segregation.
年輕人也經常處於二等地位。1955年，就在羅莎·帕克斯因參與蒙哥馬利市公交車抵制運動而聲名狼藉的幾個月前，15歲的克勞德特·科爾文在公交車上拒絕讓座。她遭到了逮捕，並最終成為《布勞德訴蓋爾案》的原告之一。第二年，美國最高法院維持了地方法院的裁決，命令蒙哥馬利市，以及阿拉巴馬州其他地區，結束公交車種族隔離制度。
Yet movement leaders never turned Colvininto the public face of the cause.
然而，民權運動領導人從沒有將科爾文變成這一事業的公眾人物。
"(The image of Parks) would be more acceptable to the White community than a dark-complexioned teenager,"Colvin told CNN. "And they (movement leaders) figured they could control Mrs. Parks."
科爾文說道：「（帕克斯的形象）比一個皮膚黝黑的青年形象更容易受到白人社區接受。這些運動領袖人物他們可以控制帕克斯女士。」
None of the above diminishes the mid-century battle for Black liberation or its tremendous accomplishments,including overturning the "separate but equal" doctrine via the 1954"Brown v. Board of Education" case and securing the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
上述這些並沒有削弱上世紀中葉黑人爭取自由的鬥爭，及其巨大成就，包括通過1954年的《布朗訴教育委員會案》推翻了「隔離但平等」的原則，確保了1965年的《投票權力法案》。
Rather, in looking more closely at the era,it's possible to recover its complexity. It's possible to learn something from a pivotal time and chip away at the prevailing narrative that only a particular kind of man is a leader, while everyone else is a foot soldier.
相反，通過更仔細地審視那個年代，則有可能重現其複雜性。從一個關鍵的時代裡，我們可以學到一些東西，削弱只有特定的人才能成為領導者，而其他人只能是士兵的流行觀點。