編者按：
2018年最後一天，美國前總統吉米·卡特在《華盛頓郵報》發表文章，紀念美中兩國建交40周年，同時評論中美貿易糾紛及兩國關係。卡特曾任美國第39任總統，也被廣泛譽為「中美關係領路人」。正是在其任內，中美於1979年1月1日正式建立外交關係。
在卡特看來，中美關係對兩國乃至世界均至關重要，分歧應通過對話的雙向渠道溝通解決；雙方應憑藉願景、智慧和勇氣，攜手擘畫未來。文章主要內容編譯如下：
（資料圖）
文 | 吉米·卡特
40年前，中國領導人鄧小平和我，協力促成中華人民共和國與美國的外交關係正常化，結束了兩國持續30年的對立狀態。這造就一個時代——以東亞和太平洋地區的和平為其特徵。中國經濟驚人的增長，疊加了與美國經濟的持續交融，使兩國成為全球繁榮的引擎。兩國科學與文化交流蓬勃發展，美國亦成為中國學者、遊客的首選海外目的地。這一關係得以維繫40年，足以證明不同歷史、文化背景和政治制度的國家，有能力為更偉大的價值而攜手合作。然而，上述至關重要的關係如今卻面臨困難。
我聽聞中國部分精英人士聲稱，美國人正在謀劃一個動搖中國穩定局面的「邪惡陰謀」。美國政府的報告中則宣稱，中國致力於挑戰美國的優勢地位，計劃將美國逐出亞洲，並削弱其在世界其他國家的影響力。
如果政府中的高級官員們採擇此種危險的觀念，則我們兩國之間爆發當代冷戰就不再是天方夜譚。在這樣的敏感時刻，誤解、誤判，或者在臺灣海峽和南中國海等地區未能恪守審慎制定的交往規則，都可能令事態升級為軍事衝突，從而造成全球性的災難。
美國對價值2000億美元的中國商品徵收關稅，以及中國的報復性關稅，令兩國關係惡化，亦令雙方均受損。
在阿根廷舉行的20國集團峰會上，兩國同意在90天內暫停進一步增加關稅，這為中美兩國提供了達成永久貿易協議的可能性。我們該做些什麼來鞏固這一來之不易的進步，並修復美中關係？
首先，必須迅速而有效地解決美國長期以來的不滿——關於貿易不平衡、智慧財產權保護，以及美國企業在中國投資和經營過程中的際遇。兩個國家都不應以「國家安全」為藉口阻撓對方的合法商業活動。中國需要競爭，以促進其經濟的創新和成長; 建設公平和互惠的關係是雙方保持經濟實力的唯一途徑。
其次，美國人必須認識到，正如中國無權幹涉美國事務一樣，我們也不具備固有的權利來告訴中國如何管理其人民。即使關係最親密的國家有時也會互相批評，但此種往來不應成為指令或法令；而更應作為公開對話的雙向渠道。中國保持了經濟增長，減輕了赤貧狀況，並向其他國家提供發展援助，這些成就都值得慶賀。
這種平衡的取徑，是確保美國和中國繼續共同努力，解決一些最棘手的全球性難題的關鍵所在。儘管目前在其他問題上存在分歧，但中國的支持對我們正在進行的、推進朝鮮半島無核化的努力至關重要。北京還可以在中東和非洲等地的衝突後重建工作、打擊恐怖主義和極端主義，以及調解其他國際爭端方面提供重要幫助。
美國應回歸巴黎氣候協議，並就環境和氣候變化問題與中國合作，因為抗擊全球變暖的宏闊鬥爭，需要兩國的積極參與。但我認為，雙邊合作最容易著手之處還是在非洲。兩國都已在該地區深度介入了抗擊疾病、基礎設施建設和維持和平等事務——有時是攜手合作。非洲民眾——一如世界上其他地區數十億人一樣——不想被迫選邊站。相反，他們歡迎各方的協同努力——匯集資源、分享專業知識和設計彼此互補的援助計劃。通過與非洲民眾合作，美國和中國也能幫助自己克服彼此間的不信任，並重建這一至關重要的關係。
1979年，鄧小平和我意識到，我們是在推進和平事業。雖然今天的領導人面對著一個改變了的世界，但和平事業同樣重要。領導者必須憑藉他們的新願景、勇氣和智慧，應對新的挑戰和機遇。但我相信，他們也必須接受我們的信念，即美國和中國需要共同擘畫未來——為了他們自己，也為了整個人類。
本文源於《華盛頓郵報》網站，編譯：臧博。原文如下：
Jimmy Carter: How to repair the U.S.-China relationship — and prevent a modern Cold War
By Jimmy Carter
Forty years ago, Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping and I normalized diplomatic relations between the People’s Republic of China and the United States, putting an end to three decades of hostility. This led to an era distinguished by peace in East Asia and the Pacific region. China’s spectacular economic growth , in conjunction with its continuing integration with the much larger U.S. economy, has enabled the two countries to become engines of global prosperity. Scientific and cultural exchanges have blossomed, and the United States has since become the top foreign destination for Chinese scholars and tourists. The 40th anniversary of this relationship is a testament to the ability of countries with different histories, cultures and political systems to work together for the greater good. Yet, today, this critical relationship is in jeopardy.
I hear Chinese elites claiming that Americans are conducting an 「evil conspiracy」 to destabilize China. I hear prominent Americans, disappointed that China has not become a democracy, claiming that China poses a threat to the American way of life. U.S. government reports declare that China is dedicated to challenging U.S. supremacy, and that it is planning to drive the United States out of Asia and reduce its influence in other countries around the world.
If top government officials embrace these dangerous notions, a modern Cold War between our two nations is not inconceivable. At this sensitive moment, misperceptions, miscalculations and failure to follow carefully defined rules of engagement in areas such as the Taiwan Strait and South China Sea could escalate into military conflict, creating a worldwide catastrophe.
The U.S. imposition of tariffs on $200 billion worth of Chinese goods, and China’s retaliatory tariffs, contribute to the deteriorating relationship, hurting both countries.
The 90-day pause in further escalation of tariffs, agreed to at the Group of 20 summit in Argentina, offers the possibility of reaching a permanent agreement on U.S.-China trade. What can we do to build on this progress, and to repair the U.S.-China relationship?
First, the United States』 long-standing complaints — about trade imbalances, intellectual property theft, forced technology transfers, and unfair barriers to U.S. investments and business operations in China — must be addressed quickly and effectively. Neither country should use 「national security」 as an excuse to obstruct the other’s legitimate commercial activities. China needs competition for its economy to innovate and grow; pursuing a fair and reciprocal relationship is the only way for both countries to remain economically strong.
Second, Americans must acknowledge that, just as China has no right to interfere in U.S. affairs, we have no inherent right to dictate to China how to govern its people or choose its leaders. Though even countries with the closest of relationships may critique each other at times, such engagements should never become directives or edicts; they should rather serve as a two-way street of open dialogue. China’s achievements in sustaining economic growth, alleviating abject poverty and providing developmental assistance to other countries need to be celebrated. At the same time, we cannot ignore its deficiencies in Internet censorship, policies toward minorities and religious restrictions — which should be recorded and criticized.
This balanced approach is key to ensuring that the United States and China continue to work together toward solving some of the most intractable global problems. Despite current tensions on other issues, Chinese support has been essential in our ongoing efforts to denuclearize the Korean Peninsula. Beijing also could offer crucial help in post-conflict reconstruction in the Middle East and Africa, countering terrorism and extremism, and mediating other international disputes.
The United States should return to the Paris climate accord and work with China on environmental and climate-change issues, as the epic struggle against global warming requires active participation from both nations. But I believe the easiest route to bilateral cooperation lies in Africa. Both countries are already heavily involved there in fighting disease, building infrastructure and keeping peace — sometimes cooperatively. Yet each nation has accused the other of economic exploitation or political manipulation. Africans — like billions of other people around the world — do not want to be forced to choose a side. Instead, they welcome the synergy that comes from pooling resources, sharing expertise and designing complementary aid programs. By working together with Africans, the United States and China would also be helping themselves overcome distrust and rebuild this vital relationship.
In 1979, Deng Xiaoping and I knew we were advancing the cause of peace. While today’s leaders face a different world, the cause of peace remains just as important. Leaders must bring new vision, courage and ingenuity to new challenges and opportunities, but I believe they also must accept our conviction that the United States and China need to build their futures together, for themselves and for humanity at large.
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責編 | 黃端 duanhuang@caijing.com.cn
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