本文大概2400字，讀完共需3分鐘
編者按：中國人民大學重陽金融研究院執行院長王文在《環球時報》英文版專欄「Wang Wen on Changing World」的第二十篇專欄文章《同情伊朗，譴責美國》於1月7日刊出，原英文標題為《Global efforts needed to restrict US adventurism》(可點擊查看原文)，現將中英文內容轉發如下：
An Iranian friend of mine asked me what I thought about the killing of Qasem Soleimani, commander of Iran's elite army Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps by a US drone strike in Iraq the day after Soleimani's death. I answered without hesitation - this is an act of state terrorism. There was no trial, no congress authorization, no public debate, and the US simply killed a senior official of a sovereign country by arbitrary use of force and accusations from its hegemonic discourse power.
伊朗精銳部隊「聖城旅」最高指揮官蘇萊馬尼被美國襲擊身亡事件發生的第二天，一位伊朗朋友問我的看法。我不假思索地回答：這是國家恐怖主義行為啊！沒有法律審判，沒有國會授權，沒有公開辯論，肆意就用國家軍事暴力與輿論霸權指控，謀殺了一位主權國家的高官。
This makes me feel fear and anger with more negative views toward the US, a country that has been flaunting itself over freedom and democracy.
這令我感到恐懼與憤怒，也對美國這個標榜自由與民主的國家產生更多的否定與批判。
My Iranian friend says there are not too many Chinese who would say it like I do and says he has heard a lot of pro-US voices in China.這位伊朗朋友很欣慰地說，像你這樣敢講話的中國人真是不多啊。我在中國看到的都是一些親美言論。I responded, this is not the case. Chinese State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi has reiterated that the US should stop abusing the use of force, calling US behavior military adventurism. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov also urged Washington to "stop using unlawful methods of force."我趕緊回應，不是的！我觀察了中國國務委員兼外交部長王毅的公開表態。他反覆「敦促美方不要濫用武力」，美國這種行為是「軍事冒險」。俄羅斯外長拉夫羅夫也在「譴責」，認為「美方行為是非法的」，「粗暴踐踏別國主權」。I have also observed quite a few countries' public opinion about the case. It is believed the majority people across the world loathed the rudeness and cruelty of the current US administration.我還仔細觀察了不少國家輿論的看法，在這件事情上，我相信，世界多數人內心非常反感川普政府的粗暴與殘忍。I don't know if my words could convince my Iranian friend. But Chinese people's understanding of Iran is deepening.我不知道，這樣的表述是否能讓伊朗朋友信服？但中國人對伊朗的理解的確深化。Both China and Iran are continuations of ancient civilizations. People of these two countries nowadays still can recognize their respective ancient languages dated back to thousands of years ago. This is not commonly seen in world history. Chinese and Iranians should be proud of the vitality of their civilizations.從歷史進程看，中國與伊朗都是文明古國，2700年前波斯文明興起並紮根於伊朗高原。中國的文化基因在本土延綿不斷三千年，波斯文明同樣是如此。2000多年前的波斯文與古漢語，都被當下的伊朗人與中國人識別。這一點西方文明、非洲文明、印度文明都無法做到。中國人與伊朗人有必要為兩國文明的偉大生命力而自豪。China and Iran were both victims of external invasions, particularly in modern times. Such experience has enhanced the two peoples' national identity, which is shown in their pursuit of independence, autonomy and national rejuvenation. This sentiment has also led to the mainstream society of China and Iran - especially elites' - dissatisfaction with US and European double standards on human rights issues as well as serious doubts on the so-called universal values of the West.從民族情感看，中國與伊朗都有沉重的歷史悲情。歷史上，兩國的東、南、西、北都受過外族的入侵，尤其是近代以來，兩國覺醒的民族意識都在內化了歷史悲情，強化了自我的民族認同。這種認同體現在獨立自主、民族復興的夢想追求上，也表現在兩國主流社會尤其是精英層，對歐美雙重標準人權指責的不滿，以及對美國所謂的普世價值帶有濃重懷疑意識。The two countries have complicated geopolitical environments. However, China and Iran have many neighboring countries and the geopolitical environment is extremely complicated, which is a great challenge to the political strategy of the two countries' politicians. With a little carelessness, these two countries could be in danger of being infiltrated, impacted or even dismembered by external forces.從地緣政治看，中國與伊朗都陷入了複雜的、天生的地緣宿命中。兩國都沒有美國那麼幸運，美國只有兩個鄰國且都是相對弱國，但中國與伊朗的鄰國眾多，地緣環境極其複雜，對兩國政治家的縱橫捭闔能力是極大的挑戰。稍有不慎，國家就會面臨被外部力量浸入、衝擊甚至肢解的危險。In the US National Security Strategy issued in December 2017, Washington views Iran as a "rogue state" and China a "revisionist power," both of which are its "main sets of challengers." US elites also have a strategic consensus on their disapproval of Chinese and Iranian governments and their systems and even on attempts to overthrow the governments of China and Iran.從西方戰略看，中國與伊朗是被鎖定在美國戰略視野的對立面。比如，某一年的《美國國家安全戰略報告》就唯獨將伊朗、中國視為在中東地區、東亞地區的戰略對手。對於中伊兩國政權與體制的不認同甚至是顛覆意圖，美國精英層也有相當的戰略共識。These similarities do not mean that China and Iran share the same policy toward the US. Tehran is pursuing a foreign policy of full confrontation with Washington, different from China's US policy - "at odds, but not at war."當然，這些一致並不代表著中國與伊朗之間有著完全一致的對美政策。伊朗實行全面與美對抗的外交政策，與中國目前「鬥而不破」的對美方針不同。Iran's oil exports to China sometimes come with demanding requests. Iran strategists hold the belief that China's need for Iran far exceeds Iran's need for China. So far, China has established strategic partnership with dozens of countries, but hasn't built such relations with Iran yet. This has restricted China-Iran ties from getting closer.伊朗對華的石油出口有時的要求較苛刻。伊朗戰略界有時認為，中國對伊朗的需求，遠高於伊朗對中國的需求。中國的對外關係中迄今有幾十對「戰略夥伴關係」，但至今還沒有與伊朗商討過類似關係，這些都是限制中伊關係進一步走近的問題。However, it cannot be denied that Beijing-Tehran relations are now at an all-time high. China will definitely not join forces with Iran to confront the US, but the two countries can engage in broader strategic and political cooperation. Just as what I wrote in my book Iran Against Demonization, China strikes a chord with Iran that European and US media outlets are biased and misleading when reporting countries with big ideological divergences.但不可否認，中伊關係正處在有史以來最好的階段。中國肯定不會與伊朗聯合反美，但中國與伊朗可以有更大的戰略和政治合作。誠如我在《被妖魔化的伊朗》一書中所說，歐美媒體在報導意識形態差異較大的國度時存在著偏差與誤導，中國與伊朗感同深受。Chinese media, scholars and policy researchers are expected to look beyond Western perspectives and seek to analyze the world with more independent thinking and prudent judgment.中國媒體、學者以其相關政策研究人員，恐怕都需要超越西方視角，尋求於更獨立的思考、更謹慎的判斷來分析這個世界。Judging by the world reaction to the killing of Soleimani, I believe that the current US administration's global actions should be condemned and constrained. Iranians need to make more efforts, so do the people of the world. In an attempt to maintain the US image and the true spirit of freedom and democracy, Americans should restrict the unbridled moves of their president.透過蘇萊馬尼事件，我更認為，美國川普政府的國際行為權力是應該受到譴責與限制的。伊朗人需要努力，世界人民需要努力。美國人民為了美國形象與真正的民主自由精神，也必須限制美國總統的放肆。中國人民大學重陽金融研究院（人大重陽）成立於2013年1月19日，是重陽投資董事長裘國根先生向母校捐贈並設立教育基金運營的主要資助項目。
作為中國特色新型智庫，人大重陽聘請了全球數十位前政要、銀行家、知名學者為高級研究員，旨在關注現實、建言國家、服務人民。目前，人大重陽下設7個部門、運營管理4個中心(生態金融研究中心、全球治理研究中心、中美人文交流研究中心、中俄人文交流研究中心)。近年來，人大重陽在金融發展、全球治理、大國關係、宏觀政策等研究領域在國內外均具有較高認可度。