牧遊社 牧有漢化翻譯
Progress Report 86: China's Left
u/Flamefang92
（譯註：本文是鋼鐵雄心4架空歷史模組Kaiserreich的開發進度報告,架空世界觀與現實中的事件走向、人物形象和團體形象等均有所偏離。玩家讀者朋友們自鑑。）
We know it's been quite some time since we posted a Progress Report or even a Minor Monday, so we thought we'd release this Report on Leftism in China. The KMT will, of course, still receive a regular PR with focus trees and all when the time comes. Enjoy!
我們知道距離我們上次發布開發報告、哪怕是周一小日誌都過去很久了，因此我們覺著是時候放出這份關於中國左派勢力的報告了。當然，到時候國民黨還是會擁有一整篇包含其國策樹等所有專屬內容的常規開發報告。看得開心！
- Spiderfist Island(Writer)
- Spiderfist Island（撰寫者）
- Flamefang (Editor)
- Flamefang (編輯)
Leftism and the KMT in China
中國的國民黨與左派勢力
The introduction of western political thought to China during the 19th Century came hand-in-hand with the arrival of western imperialism. By the 1890s, many intellectuals had concluded that the old Imperial and Confucian systems were effectively dead ends for China, and that radical changes to China’s political economy had to occur. Many of them looked towards not just concepts of constitutionalism and liberal democracy, but to radical ideologies such as socialism and anarchism. Though small in number and often living in exile outside of China, these ideologues such as Sun Yat-Sen would greatly influence the Xinhai Revolution and the establishment of the Republic of China. Over the course of the next generation, despite suppression at the hands of both the warlords and legations, these ideals would become nativized to China and further turn towards radical solutions for the plight of the average Chinese worker or peasant.
十九世紀，西方政治理念是伴隨著西方帝國主義一併來到中國的。到十九世紀八十年代，許多中國知識分子已經得出結論，陳腐的封建帝制與儒教體系實際上將中國帶入了萬劫不復的深淵，激進而徹底的政治、經濟革新對於古老的中華大地而言已經不可避免。他們中的許多人不僅僅把目光投向了憲政與自由民主的理念，還引入了社會主義、無政府主義等激進的意識形態。即便他們為數不多，還時常被迫流亡海外，但孫中山等革命先行者們仍然大大影響了辛亥革命的爆發和中華民國的建立。在下一代人的時間裡，縱使軍閥與使館城市千方百計鎮壓進步思潮，但先行者們的理想已經在中國紮根，並進一步轉向激進的方案來拯救中國工農大眾的苦難。
Though not the only radical left organization in China, the Left majority wing of the Kuomintang is the only one with a nationwide base and enough members to act as a major political force. The KMT has a party structure with membership qualifications that prevent many groups (warlords, members of millenarian sects such as the Yiguandao, and businessmen associated with the concessions, among others) from joining, but it also works with and employs many non-members on local and national issues. Like with the illegal syndicalist movement, its underground status prevents it from active recruitment, but the larger allied groups it can draw upon such as student associations, labor unions, and peasant defense groups give it more weight than its official membership would indicate. Because of these factors, much of the organizational heft of the radical left in China on the national stage rests on the shoulders of the Leftist KMT.
即便它並非中國唯一激進的左翼組織，佔據多數的國民黨左翼卻是唯一一個勢力基本盤遍布全國、並擁有足夠多成員的組織，並因此成為一股主要的政治勢力。國民黨的黨組織和入黨要求阻止了許多政治群體（例如軍閥、一貫道之流的滅世論教派和買辦資本家們）加入該黨，但它同時也和許多黨外人士在地方或全國性的問題上合作。比方說與非法的工團主義運動合作，工團運動因其地下活動的狀態而無法廣泛招募成員，但他們可以動員起諸如學生聯合會、工會和農民自衛團等站在同一戰線上的更大規模的組織，給工團主義者帶來了比其成員規模更大的影響力。由於這些因素，全中國激進左翼運動有組織的力量，很大程度上仰賴的是國民黨左派。
Origins and Development of the Kuomintang
國民黨的起源與發展
Founded by Dr. Sun Yat-Sen, the Kuomintang was the reformed successor party to the Tongmenghui overseas revolutionary society that was instrumental to the success of the Xinhai Revolution. However, the Kuomintang was ultimately expelled from any positions of authority it held provisionally during the formative years of the republic by Yuan Shikai’s Beiyang Clique. Unlike the warlord factions, the Kuomintang was an ideologically-motivated, civilian-led, and ultimately radical political party dedicated to creating a centralized democratic republic in China based on western concepts of secular liberal nationalism. After the Republic fell to regional corruption and the warlords exiled him from China, Sun concluded that due to the current state of China, a wholly new government free of warlord and monarchist influence would have to be built piece by piece: first, by the KMT defeating the warlords militarily, then instituting a period of 「political tutelage」 by a single-party KMT state to remake civil society, and then transitioning to a multi-party democracy.
國民黨由孫逸仙博士（譯註：稱博士頭銜時一般雅稱孫逸仙博士）創立，由在辛亥革命勝利中至關重要的海外革命社團同盟會改組而來。然而，在袁世凱的北洋軍閥掌權的數年中，國民黨最終在政府裡失去了其先前掌控的所有權力與要職。與各路軍閥不同的是，國民黨是一個由意識形態驅動著、由知識分子和文官領導著、並歸根結底十分激進的政黨，它始終為在中國建立一個基於世俗自由民族主義等西方概念的、中央集權的民主共和國而鬥爭。當民國陷入割據與腐敗、孫中山本人也被軍閥驅逐出中國後，基於他所目睹的中國現狀，孫中山斷定，一個全新的、沒有軍閥與皇帝的新中國，必須要以「軍政、訓政、憲政」的步驟一步步地建成：首先，國民黨要在軍事上掃清軍閥；然後在國民黨的一黨制國家領導下進行一段「訓政」時期，以重塑公民社會；最終再過渡到一個多黨制的民主制度。
Near the end of the Weltkrieg in 1919, Sun Yat-Sen started the process of building a rival government to the Beiyang warlords in Guangzhou, with uneasy alliances made with the local warlords and politicians such as Chen Jongming. The relative isolation of China during the Weltkrieg ended with the terms of the German-Japanese peace negotiations and the spread of Syndicalist propaganda. German influence began to outstrip the remaining Western imperial powers in Northern China, and the success of the syndicalist revolutions in France and Italy combined with the failures of the moderate Chinese republicans gave radical economic policies and the importance of social reform more clout in the KMT’s intellectual sphere.
到了世界大戰接近尾聲的1919年，孫中山同陳炯明等地方軍閥和政客勉強合作，開始試圖在廣州建立一個同北洋軍閥敵對的新政府。然而，中國在大戰中相對孤立的狀態被德國與日本締結的和平協定和工團主義宣傳的傳播所打破。德國的影響力開始超過華北殘餘的其他帝國主義勢力，而工團主義革命在法國和義大利的勝利，再加上中國共和運動溫和派的失敗，則讓激進的經濟政策和社會改革在國民黨的知識分子圈子中更具影響力。
Of particular influence on the development of the KMT were the experiences of those who saw firsthand the formation of the Commune. Most of these eyewitnesses to the Syndicalist Revolution were members of the Chinese Labor Corps abandoned in northern France after the Armistice without a clear route home, or young students who enrolled in the Anarchist sponsored Diligent Work and Frugal Study movement such as the Zhou Enlai and Deng Xiaoping generation of KMT members. Firsthand accounts of the Commune’s formative years written in the vernacular became highly influential to radical Chinese of all parties and tendencies. The exact take-aways by each witness to the revolution varied, but a common subject was with whether the 「syndicalism-in-practice」 France had achieved was even applicable outside of the industrialized West, and if China instead had to develop a just society under their own conditions.
對國民黨的發展影響尤其之大的，是那些目睹了法蘭西公社建立的人們的親身經歷。大部分見證了工團主義革命的中國人，是在停戰協定籤署後被拋棄在法國北部、找不到歸鄉之路的華工派遣隊成員，或是像周恩來、鄧小平一樣參與了無政府主義者資助的留法勤工儉學運動（譯註：現實位面中，1912年，一眾知識分子在北京組織「留法儉學會」，送80多人赴法儉學，1914年受袁世凱阻止，被迫停辦）的青年學生。用白話文寫成的關於公社剛成立的數年的第一手資料，對中國各大政黨或運動的激進分子都影響巨大。每個革命的見證者所得出的結論都各不相同，但一個共同的主題是，在法國實現的「工團主義實踐」究竟能不能在高度工業化的西方之外推行，以及中國是否不應當直接借鑑法國革命、而是探索出符合中國國情的建設公正社會的道路。
Due to the discipline required of its essentially insurrectionary program and the understandable distrust of personal warlord power bases, the KMT reformed its party and military structure to a much more centralized form modeled on other historical revolutionary parties, often referred to as the 「party-state」 (黨國, Dǎngguó). While all decisions were made by essentially democratic means, once agreed upon by vote, the party’s policies had to be obeyed by members to the letter. This measure of unity allowed for the KMT to outmaneuver the other factions in Guangzhou politically and militarily, and to eventually achieve full civilian and military control of most of the province.
由於其反叛計劃所需的紀律性以及對於軍閥個人力量理所當然的不信任，國民黨以歷史上的其他革命政黨為模板，將其政黨和軍事體制改革成了一個更加中央集權化的形式，稱為「黨國」。雖然所有決策基本上都是通過民主手段作出的，但一旦通過投票達成共識，黨員必須嚴格遵守黨的政策。這種團結使國民黨在政治和軍事上戰勝了廣州的其他派系，最終實現了對粵省大部分地區民政上和軍事上的控制。
Sun’s southern 「Nationalist」 government was not recognized by the Reichspakt, the British Empire, or the United States. However, in 1922 the Commune of France recognized the KMT both out of opposition to German domination in China and because of the leftwards turn in the KMT’s membership towards socialist ideals. With help from the Yunnan warlords, the KMT secured Guangzhou and the rest of Guangdong Province in 1923. Attempts to start the Northern Expedition by the KMT proved to be fruitless, as due to the balance of power between all the various shifting alliances, all Sun Yat-Sen could do was prevent the Zhili Clique from consolidating control. After a failed attempt to unite with the northern warlords into an anti-Zhili coalition to restore constitutional rule, Sun Yat-Sen died of cancer in 1925.
孫中山在南方的「國民政府」並沒有被德國國會、大英帝國以及美利堅合眾國所承認。但是，出於對抗德國在中國的主導權，以及出於國民黨成員轉向社會主義理念的原因，法蘭西公社於1922年承認了國民黨政府。1923年，在滇系軍閥的幫助下，國民黨佔領了廣州和廣東省的其餘地方。國民黨發起北伐的嘗試是徒勞無果的，由於各種聯盟之間的力量平衡，孫中山所能做的就是阻止直系軍閥鞏固統治。1925年，孫中山試圖與北方軍閥結成反直系聯盟以恢復憲政，但以失敗告終。
The Three Principles of the People
三民主義
The 「Three Principles of the People」 (or Sanmin) is the official ideology of the Kuomintang.
「三民主義」是國民黨的官方指導思想。
Developed by Sun Yat-Sen through his speeches and writings over the course of his life, the Sanmin ideology was never fully defined by him and has been interpreted and debated by his successors ever since. While much of its initial ideas are based on Sun’s exposure to Western Enlightenment ideology through his time in the United States, most of its details are specifically written for the Chinese context of the 1910s-1920s.
儘管孫中山一生以演講和著作勾勒出了三民主義的輪廓，但是三民主義從來沒有被他完整定義過，三民主義的內容一直為他的後繼者所闡釋和辯論。雖然它的很多最初想法是基於孫在美國期間對西方啟蒙思想的接觸，但它的大部分細節都是針對1910 -1920年代的中國而創造的。
Minzu 「Nationalism」 Principle
民族主義
The Minzu principle is similar to the concept of nationalism in the Western conception of the idea, but it is informed by the Chinese experiences of the 19th and early 20th century. 「Nationalism」 in Sanmin ideology refers to the independence of China from imperialist exploitation and a shared concept of non-ethnic 「Chinese Nationalism」 that binds the nation together, rather than a concept of China as a Han Chinese-only nation. In practical terms, this is reflected in the KMT concept of China as an inviolable single nation that has the same rightful borders as the Qing Empire did prior to the Treaty of Shimonoseki. As a consequence of this, all factions of the KMT do not recognize the legality of independent states in Mongolia, Tibet, Xinjiang, or Manchuria.
三民主義中的民族主義概念與西方價值觀中的民族主義概念相似，但其受到了中國在19世紀和20世紀初期歷史的啟示。三民主義意識形態中的「民族主義」，是指中國從帝國主義的剝削中獨立出來，是一種把國家團結在一起的非族群化的「中華民族」的共同概念，而不是大漢族主義的狹隘概念。實踐中，這反映在國民黨的中國概念裡，即中國是一個不可侵犯的單一國家，與《馬關條約》籤訂前的清朝擁有相同的疆域。因此，國民黨各派系不承認蒙古、西藏、新疆或滿洲地方政權的合法性。
Minquan 「Democratic」 Principle
民權主義
The principle of Minquan is roughly the same as the western conception of Liberal Democracy, specifically a constitutional republic. While not explicitly a representative democracy, Sun’s envisioning of Minquan meant that citizens of China as a whole would have the rights to elections, recalls, petitions, and referendums from the government. This democracy would be established after a period of 「political tutelage」 by the KMT that would ensure that China’s citizenry were informed enough and had a strong enough civil society that the country would not revert to factionalism and warlordism upon free elections. (The exact definition of what this 「tutelage」 means or how long it would take differs by party faction.) Combining traditions from both Chinese and European governmental traditions, Sun proposed that the Chinese republic should be based on a five-branch system of government (Executive, Legislative, Judicial, Bureaucrat Examination, and Control/Anticorruption).
民權主義與西方自由民主理念大致相同，特別是憲政共和的概念。雖然不是明確的代議制民主，但孫中山心目中的民權主義意味著作為一個整體，中國公民有權選舉、罷免、請願和公投，這些權力來自政府的讓渡。這種民主將在國民黨一段時期的「訓政」之後建立，以確保中國公民獲得足夠的教導，並擁有足夠強大的公民社會，使中國不會在自由選舉後回歸派系主義和軍閥主義（這種「訓政」的確切定義以及訓政期的長短，根據國民黨內部的派系而有所不同）。孫中山結合中西方政府的傳統，認為中華民國應當建立在五權（行政、立法、司法、考試、監察）分立政府體制的基礎之上。
Minsheng 「Socialist / Social Welfare」 Principle
民生主義
The most controversial and least defined of the Three Principles, the Minsheng principle was sketched out by Sun as being the responsibility of the government to provide for the basic needs of its citizens, such as food, housing, and healthcare. While originally described as more of a social-democratic than radical socialist ideal, the interpretation of the Minsheng principle as an endorsement of socialism became the basis of much of the Left KMT’s growth since Sun’s death. A less-controversial aspect of Minsheng is the widespread approval of all factions of the KMT for implementation of a Land Value Tax as based on the economic theories of Henry George.
三民主義中最具爭議，也最少被定義的是民生主義。孫中山將民生主義概括為政府的責任，即滿足公民的基本需求，如食品、住房和醫療。雖然最初民生主義更傾向於社會民主主義而不是激進的社會主義思想，但將民生主義解釋為對社會主義的支持成為孫去世後國民黨左派增長的理論基礎。民生主義中相對沒那麼有爭議的部分，就是國民黨各派普遍贊同按照亨利•喬治的經濟理論徵收地價稅。
The Left Turn and The Northern Expedition
左轉和北伐
Conflict over the future of the Kuomintang started almost immediately after Sun Yat-Sen’s death. Despite the KMT’s diplomatic courting of the Commune of France and other syndicalist western nations, this was done more out of realpolitik than full ideological alignment. The moderate and right-wing factions of the KMT that existed since its founding still had members in prominent positions, and these figures were more than ready to reassert control over a party whose base was rapidly shifting towards radicalism.
孫中山死後，關於國民黨未來走向的鬥爭馬上就開始了。儘管國民黨在外交上與法蘭西公社和其他西方工團主義國家交好，但這更多地是出於現實政治考量，而並非完全是意識形態上的結盟。國民黨自建黨以來就有著溫和派和右翼派別，這些派別中仍有一定數量的成員擔任要職，這些人非常希望重新取得對這個正在迅速轉向激進主義的政黨的控制。
After the death of Sun, a failed assassination attempt on the prominent pro-syndicalist KMT member Liao Zhongkai led to the arrest and execution of Hu Hanmin and several other major KMT right-wingers. With the largest rival faction outside of the erratic Yunnanese warlord Tang Jiyao eliminated, the civilian leadership was dominated by Liao and Wang Jingwei, with the NRA’s ruthlessly pragmatic commander-in-chief, Chiang Kai-Shek, in full military command. The KMT’s support of radical strikers in the May Thirtieth movement also solidified the nationalists as a left-wing organization, while the 1925 British Revolution and destabilization of the north by the 2nd Zhili-Fengtian War and Anti-Fengtian War made the possibility of a radical revolution led by the KMT frighteningly probable to both foreign and Chinese anti-syndicalists.
孫中山死後，國民黨著名的親工團主義人士廖仲愷遭暗殺未遂，隨後胡漢民等幾名國民黨主要右翼分子被逮捕並處決。除反覆無常的雲南軍閥唐繼堯外，最大的敵對軍閥被消滅後，文官集團由廖仲愷和汪精衛所掌控，而國民革命軍實際上由總司令蔣介石完全控制。國民黨在五卅運動中對激進派罷工的支持也鞏固了國民黨作為左翼組織的地位，隨著1925年英國革命，以及第二次直奉戰爭和反奉戰爭引發的北方動亂的發生，國民黨領導激進革命的可能性使國外勢力和中國反工團分子感到畏懼。
That fear seemed to come true in July 1926, when the Northern Expedition started against the Zhili Clique. Far more organized than the decimated warlord armies and trained by Red Russian and French forces, the National Revolutionary army headed north certain of victory and easily reached Hubei and Jiangxi without much resistance. Unfortunately for the KMT, the expedition was halted and broken at Wuhan and south of Nanjing (details can be found in Progress Report 72 ).
1926年7月，當北伐開始對抗直系時，這種恐懼變成了現實。國民革命軍由紅俄和法國的軍隊訓練而出，其組織遠比軍閥的軍隊嚴密，他們向北挺進，取得了一定的勝利，並在沒有遭遇多大抵抗的情況下輕易地抵達湖北和江西。然而不幸的是，國民黨的遠徵在武漢和南京以南止步並夭折（詳見進度報告72）。
The KMT Split
國民黨的分裂
After the failure of the Northern Expedition, the KMT and National Revolutionary Army (NRA) became divided in both literal and figurative terms. The majority of the NRA’s remnants found refuge as guests of the local leaders in Yunnan, Guangxi, or Guangdong province, and became partially integrated into the local power structures of the southern cliques. Most of these military units were and are led by officers that favored the Right Faction of the KMT, with the exception of Chen Mingshu’s cohort in Guangdong.
北伐失敗後，國民黨和國民革命軍在字面上和形象上都產生了分裂。國民革命軍的主要殘餘部隊作為外來者由雲南、廣西、廣東等地的地方領導人所收容，並部分融入進了南方軍閥的地方權力結構中去。除了陳銘樞在廣東的部隊，這些軍隊大部分都由曾經或正在支持國民黨右翼的軍官領導。
Though never formally split or expelled from the party by the Central Committee of the KMT, the old NRA armies have not taken any orders from the CC since the German Intervention and recognize no supreme commander among their number. As the execution of Hu Hanmin and the domination of the Left faction in party affairs has led to the sidelining or loss of right-wing civilians in the party, the Right KMT is dominated almost entirely by pro-military figures, if they can still be considered a party faction and not a past background of some present warlords.
雖然從未正式被國民黨中央委員會開除或與之決裂，但自從德國幹預以來，舊國民黨軍隊從未接受過中央委員會的任何命令，也不承認他們番號下設立的任何最高指揮官。胡漢民的死去和左翼掌管黨內事務導致了右翼在黨內蒙受損失，國民黨右翼幾乎完全被泛軍隊人物主導，如果他們仍能被視作一個國民黨派系而並非是具有某種背景的軍閥的話。
In contrast to the majority of the army, a dedicated core of Left KMT troops and the Central Committee retreated into the remote interior of southern Fujian. While many prominent officials went into exile from there, a core 「Base Region」 was established around Longyan that has been under effective KMT guerrilla control since that point in time. Despite several disorganized attempts by provincial governor Zhou Yinren to finally eradicate it, the Jiangxi-Fujian Base Region has survived unscathed, and if the Left KMT ever return to an active military force, this will be from where they retake China.
與大多數軍隊相反，國民黨左翼的核心部隊及中央委員會撤退到了福建南部的偏遠地區。隨著許多傑出的官員流亡到那裡，一個核心「根據地」在龍巖附近成立了，自那時起，那裡就一直處於國民黨遊擊隊的有效控制之下。儘管省督辦周蔭人曾幾次低效地試圖組織軍隊消滅它，但閩贛（江福）根據地卻毫髮無傷地生存了下來，如果國民黨左翼重新發展為一支積極的軍事力量，這裡將會是他們重新奪取中國的起點。
Elsewhere in China, the Left KMT is an underground revolutionary party that is held together by hidden communication channels, with the majority of its membership still located in Southern China. The small size of the party’s formal membership is boosted by its affiliations and connections with peasant and worker unions of varying levels of radicalism, along with its contacts in student societies and organized crime. While the underground party membership is mostly focused on local organizing and maintaining communication with the Central Committee, a separate KMT organ, the ZhongTeJu Bureau, regularly interacts with these cells and recruits both party members and sympathizers for terror attacks against the League of Eight Provinces.
在中國的其他一些地方，國民黨左翼以一個地下革命黨的形式存在，他們通過隱蔽的聯絡渠道團結在一起，它的大多數成員仍位於中國南方。該黨的正式黨員數量較少，其發展得益於與不同層次的激進農民和工人工會的隸屬關係和聯絡，以及與學生組織和犯罪團體的聯繫。雖然這些地下黨員主要聚焦於在當地組織活動，並保持與中央委員會的聯繫，但國民黨的一個獨立機構——中特局，會定期與這些組織聯繫，招募黨員和同情者來對八省聯盟進行恐怖襲擊。
The overseas Left KMT is mostly composed of prominent politicians in exile and officers who are acting as foreign observers in the armies of Syndicalist countries. The largest group of these is centered around Wang Jingwei and the rest of the Central Committee in Paris at the start of 1936, but they plan to return to China as soon as it’s clear that a new Nationalists government can be established there again.
海外的國民黨左派主要由流亡的知名政治家和在工團主義國家的軍隊中充當外國觀察員的軍官組成。其中最大的團體自1936年初就在巴黎形成，以汪精衛和剩下的中央委員成員為核心，但是他們計劃只要新的國民政府能夠被再次建立，就立即回國。
As events folded in China without them- the formation of the Legation Cities, the restoration of the Qing, the foundation of the League of Eight Provinces, the creation of the AOG and so on-it was easy for most people worldwide to think of the KMT as a spent political force. While there were some notable assassinations of minor warlords or other 「traitors」 to China, and pro-KMT underground papers or study clubs were founded and broken up to a near-constant rhythm, until 1932 they ultimately had very little effect on world events. In that year, mass strikes and anti-foreign demonstrations led by the KMT happened all across the League of Eight Provinces, with actual insurrections in Shanghai, Wuhan and Nanjing. Though the 1932 Uprising was brutally defeated, the popular resentment against and shakiness of the LEP’s government was made clear, and the uprising- the product of years of quiet underground organizing- would help plant the seeds for a second generation of converts to Sun Yat-Sen’s dream of a democratic China free of warlords and emperors.
由於國民黨缺席了中國的事態進展——包括使館城市的建立、清王朝的復闢、八省聯盟的建立、AOG的建立等等，因此世界上有很多人會很容易地認為國民黨是一隻已經油盡燈枯的政治力量。儘管有一些為人所知的在中國刺殺小軍閥或漢奸的事件，以及親國民黨地下報紙和學習俱樂部以幾乎不變的節奏成立和解散，但直到1932年，他們才世界情勢有了一點點影響。在那一年，由國民黨領導的大規模罷工和反外國勢力示威活動在八省聯盟各地發生，而在上海、武漢和南京發生了起義。儘管1932年的起義被殘酷地鎮壓了，但民怨激增，八省聯盟政府的搖搖欲墜變得越發明朗，而這場起義作為默默無聞的地下組織多年來運作的產物，將會有助於在下一代中根植孫中山民主中國的夢想——將中國從軍閥和封建帝制手中解放出來。
The Minsheng Faction - Guided Social Revolution (Radical Socialists)
民生主義派系——受領導的社會革命（激進社會主義者）
The largest and currently dominant faction of the Left KMT is the Minsheng Faction, named after the 「socialist」 or 「social welfare」 principle of Sun Yat-Sen’s Three Principles of the People. Led by Wang Jingwei, Liao Zhongkai, and the 「Four Elders」 of the KMT (Li Shizeng, Wu Zhihui, Zhang Renjie, and Cai Yuanpei), the Minsheng faction has close ties to the Commune of France and the KMT’s Central Committee is made up of a majority of Minsheng members.
國民黨左派中最為強大且目前掌權的派系是民生主義派系。它以孫中山三民主義中的「社會主義」，或者稱為「社會福利」原則命名。民生主義派系由汪精衛、廖仲愷以及國民黨「四大元老」（李石曾、吳稚暉、張人傑和蔡元培）領導，與法蘭西公社走得很近，其成員在國民黨中央委員會中把持絕大部分席位。
The Minsheng have taken the time during their extended stay in France to observe and learn from the CGT’s impressive rebuilding of the country and military after the destruction of the Weltkrieg and French Civil War. Rather than fully endorsing Syndicalist ideology, the Minsheng faction instead have developed an elaboration on Sun Yat-Sen’s Three Principles of the People to the current political situation known as Wang Jingwei Thought. Wang’s faction dominates the Chinese expatriate community of France, has a majority of support in the party membership worldwide, and holds most of the major party positions both inside and outside China. However, despite its attempts at forging an ideological center to the faction, much of the Minsheng’s cohesion is due to Wang’s charisma and the support of old guard members such as the Four Elders.
民生派系的成員充分利用了他們在法蘭西長久的逗留時間，從而觀察並學習法國總工會在一戰以及法國內戰給國家帶來毀滅性打擊後卓有成效地重建國家和軍隊的經驗。然而，他們並沒有徹底被工團主義所同化，反而，他們在孫中山的三民主義的基礎上發展出其現在的政治思想，也被稱為汪精衛思想Wang Jingwei Thought。汪精衛的民生主義派系在法國的中國僑民社區裡佔據大多數，世界範圍內的國民黨黨員對其支持度也很高，同時還控制著國民黨在國內外的絕大部分黨內職位。然而，雖然民生主義派系無比想將自身打造成意識形態中心，但派系內的平衡依然嚴重地依靠汪精衛的個人魅力，以及諸如四大元老等國民黨守舊派的支持。
Wang Jingwei Thought is not a wholly new ideology but instead an elaboration and modernization of Sun Yat-Sen’s unfinished philosophy and policies that is influenced by aspects of both the French Sorelians and parts of Chinese Anarchism. While the Three Principles of The People and Three Stages of Revolution still are accepted, Wang Jingwei Thought proposes that the primary reason for the failure of the Northern Expedition in 1925 was a lack of social revolution. The reasoning behind this idea is that the Nationalist government failed to prove that its promises of democratic republicanism would actually bring any needed social changes to the masses of China, particularly in Guangdong. To win, reason the Minsheng, you need to gain the trust of the people and also fully disrupt the social and economic basis of the 「Old China」 in all its forms- the landlords, the warlords, and the monarchists. By undermining the exploitative economic system and enacting real reforms that create a democratic economy controlled by and for the Chinese, the Kuomintang hope to spark both a social and political revolution.
汪精衛思想並不完全是一種全新的意識形態，相反，它是部分在受到法國的索雷爾主義和中國的無政府主義的影響後，對孫中山未竟的理念和政策的融合和現代化的產物。雖然三民主義和革命三階段論依然受到認可，但汪精衛思想主張的是，1925年北伐戰爭失敗的主要原因在於缺乏社會革命作為根基。這種觀點背後的論據在於，國民政府無法證明其民主共和的政治承諾能夠給中國大眾，特別是廣東的人民，帶來任何這個國家所需的社會變革。用民生主義派系的話來說，想要贏得戰爭，首先需要的是贏得人民的信任，並徹底地從方方面面推翻「舊中國」的社會及經濟基礎——包括地主、軍閥以及保皇黨。這群國民黨人希望在社會和政治層面上都燃起革命的火光，通過廢除剝削性的經濟體系，以及開展真正實在的改革，來最終創造出一個由中國人民所治理、為中國人民所享有的民主經濟體。
The Minsheng faction’s proposed economic policies are highly top-down, where the KMT’s one-party state will spearhead a mixed program of nationalizing key industries, establishing firm land rent taxes, and liquidating criminal and foreign enterprises. Socially, they wish to establish a 「National Revolution」 under their rule that creates a new modernized and humanist Chinese culture and that gets rid of the old patriarchal Confucian order. These two policy planks combined are intended to work in tandem with military unification to disrupt the material and social basis for the warlords while also creating a foundation for a unified Nationalist China.
民生派系所推崇的經濟政策是一種自上而下的頂層設計，國民黨將憑藉其一黨專政的地位帶頭推動一系列的項目，包括國有化關鍵工業、設立高額的土地租賃稅、以及清算犯罪分子控制的企業和外資企業。在社會層面上，他們希望能夠在他們的領導下發動一場「國民革命」，破除傳統落後、父權主義的儒家思想，建設全新的、現代化的、帶有人文主義氣息的中國文化。民生派系還準備把這兩項核心政策與軍隊統一進程聯合起來共同開展，從而打破軍閥割據的物質和社會基礎，並與此同時為成立國民政府領導下的統一的中國打下根基。
The Minquan Faction - Cooperative Revolution (Social Democrats)
民權派系——合作革命（社會民主主義者）
The larger of the two sub-factions of the Minquan, the Populists are also called the 「Mountain KMT」 or 「Fujian KMT」 in passing due to the majority of their in-party support lying in the JiangFu Zone. Under the local leadership of Song Qingling, Sun Yat-Sen’s third wife andwidow, the peasants and party members in the JiangFu Zone have developed a rudimentary democracy in the rural regions they control. Song decided to stay in China as an outlaw out of a strong feeling of patriotism, and despite her lack of initial credentials aside from marriage ties, she has proven herself to be an inspirational leader to the insurgency.
民權派系內部兩支分支中較大的一支是民粹派，由於黨內絕大部分支持他們的成員都處於福建省，所以他們又先後被稱為「山區國民黨」，或是「福建派國民黨」。在宋慶齡——孫中山的第三任妻子，同時也是他的遺孀——的領導下，福建區的農民和黨員在其控制的鄉村地區發展出一種早期的民主政治。宋慶齡在其強烈的愛國主義熱情的驅使下，決定作為反建制分子留在國內，儘管她最初除其婚姻關係外並無任何資歷，但她也很快就成功向其他人證明了自己是在這動亂中頗能鼓舞士氣的領導者。
The insurgent region in Fujian and southern Jiangxi (generally referred to as the 「JiangFu Zone」 by both the Southern Zhili and KMT) is an essentially underground connection of allied towns and rebel cells composed of the 「stay-behind」 regiments of the Leftist NRA after the German Intervention. Rather than formally flying the Kuomintang’s standard or building a rebel government, the JiangFu Zone acts as a secret government of these remote areas. Outside of their armed hideouts in northern Longyan County, the KMT govern the territory with an exceptionally light presence. After an early period of violence and skirmishes with the retreating NRA remnants in the late 1920s, the villages and towns in Longyan County have been completely aligned with the KMT. Most of the local leaders in JiangFu are secretly or openly party members, and consult with the JiangFu headquarters and other Nationalist villages to coordinate economic activity. Under Song the KMT insurgency have encouraged the development of a culture of local democratic government combined with constant indoctrination of San-Min ideology, and this ad-hoc process has been refined into the basis of the Minquan program that is the main alternative to the Minsheng.
福建以及江西南部的叛亂地區（通常被南方的直隸軍閥和國民黨統稱為「江福區」）是暗中結盟的城鎮和叛軍支部之間必不可少的地下聯絡點，充斥著德國幹預後的「留後」左派國民革命軍。然而江福區內並沒有正式揚起國民黨的大旗，也沒有成立叛軍政府，實際上它只是存在於這些偏遠地區的一個秘密政權。在其位於龍巖北部的武裝根據點之外的地方，國民黨以一種極其放權的方式在管理著這片土地。經歷了19世紀20年代末國民革命軍的殘餘部隊撤退時引起的短暫的流血和騷動之後，福建龍巖內的鄉村和城鎮就已經徹徹底底地與國民黨結盟了。絕大部分福建當地的領導人都是或秘密或公開的國民黨黨員，並時常就經濟活動與國民黨江福區總部以及其他國民黨鄉村保持聯繫。在宋慶齡的領導下，國民黨叛軍在當地成功發展出一種地方民主的政治文化，同時也反覆對當地人灌輸三民主義。這樣的點對點自組織的模式被不斷打磨使用，甚至成為民權派系活動的基礎，這也是其與民生派系的最大差異所在。
The Minquan Populists are less enthusiastic about the use of centralized economic planning and social revolution of the Minsheng faction like the Moderates, but this skepticism is from their populist sentiments rather than anti-leftism. Th eMinquan Populist faction has a much more hands-off approach to economic development compared to the Minsheng faction, and trust the people in the areas they control to govern and organize themselves once it’s clear that they understand and support KMT party ideology. One major difference between the Minquan Populists and the Moderates and Minsheng is on the question of ethnic self-determination.
民權派系的民粹主義者對於中央集權模式下的計劃經濟以及社會革命並不如民生派系那麼熱情，他們與溫和派更加類似，不過他們的懷疑態度更多是來源於其民粹情感，而不是對左翼的反對。相比於民生派系而言，民權派系的民粹主義者對經濟發展有著更加切實可行的手段，他們堅信著他們所控制的這些領土上的人民一旦切實了解並支持國民黨的政治訴求，他們就能夠自己管理自己、自己組織自己。但民權派系的民粹主義者和溫和派、民生主義派系之間一個重大的差別在於他們對於民族自決的不同態度。
The Minquan propose that regions such as Mongolia and Tibet be given more autonomy from the Han-dominated central government in order to better safeguard their national identities and rights within China, while the other KMT factions oppose this decentralization. However, the Minquan Populists still endorse the Minsheng proposals of land reform and nationalizing major industries in controlled territories.
民權派系主張漢族主導的中央政府應當賦予像是蒙古和西藏這些地區應更多的自治權，從而更好地保護其民族身份和權利，國民黨內部其他派系則反對這樣的去中央集權的想法。然而，民權派系依然會支持民生派系倡議中的在控制區內進行土地改革和國有化關鍵工業的部分。
The Minquan Moderates - The Rump Center (Social Liberal)
民權溫和派——殘存的中間派（社會自由派）
Often nicknamed the 「Minzu Faction,」 or the 「Hawaii KMT」 due to the largest collection of faction members being in Honolulu, the Minquan Moderates are a sub-faction of the Minquan, and are the most centrist tendency in the current KMT. Led by Sun Fo, son of Sun Yat-Sen, the Minquan Moderates are the least supportive of the Wang Jingwei Thought program and caution that social upheaval on the level the current program espouses will bring more harm than benefit should reestablishment of a Nationalist government occur. The Moderates continue to exist within the party because of their leadership’s long-term credentials and ties to the first generation of Chinese revolutionaries, but ultimately have little power at the present aside from as a section of an opposition faction.
民權溫和派是民權派的一個分支派系，也是目前國民黨中最趨向中立的派系。它也被稱為「民族派」，或因其派系成員大多數在檀香山（火奴魯魯）而被稱為「夏威夷國民黨」。該派由孫中山之子孫科領導，在思想上最不支持汪精衛的綱領，並警告稱，在目前的局勢下如果重建國民政府一定是弊大於利的。因其長期的領導資歷以及與中國第一代革命者的緊密聯繫，民權溫和派目前仍然留在黨內。但目前除了作為反對派系的一部分之外，該派幾乎沒有權力。
Nevertheless, the Moderates exist as the only group in the Left KMT that still has amicable terms with liberal opposition groups in China such as the Vermillion Society, and the regular KMT members in overseas Chinese communities in the USA and Insulindia are almost all aligned with this tendency. While respected because of his father, Sun Fo is not a charismatic or exceptional person himself, and his faction would most likely only come to power as a compromise should the KMT find itself needing to reconcile and unite with liberal factions in China or to reconcile with the Right KMT.
儘管如此，民權溫和派依然是國民黨左翼中唯一一個仍舊與朱紅社Vermillion Society等中國自由主義反對派保持良好關係的團體。同時，其他居住在美國和印蘇林迪亞的中國社區中的國民黨正式成員也幾乎與這一趨向保持一致。雖然因其父親而受到尊敬，孫科本人從來不是一個富有魅力或傑出的人，他的派系更多的是作為一個妥協產物而存在的，因為國民黨發現其自身有同中國的自由派及國民黨右翼和解的需求。
The Chinese Syndicalist Party - Junior Partners (Syndicalists)
中國工團黨——稚嫩的夥伴（工團主義）
Despite the existence of the CSP, the Chinese syndicalist groups have not coalesced into a single party or even a coordinated national movement, and are instead organized as loose associations around each major urban center. This is partly due to the Syndintern’s priority of supporting the KMT as their favored faction in China due to the country’s low industrialization, partly due to the more established KMT siphoning many of its potential members and talent, and partly because of the anti-syndicalist repression and crackdowns of the various warlord and concession governments.
儘管中國工團黨存在，中國的工團主義者還是沒能統一為一個政黨，甚至都沒有形成一個協調的全國運動。這在部分上是由於工團國際鑑於中國的低工業化水平而選擇優先支持國民黨，另一部分則是由於國民黨也吸收了許多工團黨潛在的成員和人才。還有一部分是因為反工團主義者的鎮壓以及眾多軍閥和租借地政府的打擊。
Nevertheless, the CSP does exist and has existed since the early 1920s. Early cooperation between the CSP and KMT had formally been established with the assistance of the Syndicalist Italian and French governments, and the few members they have are full supporters of the KMT’s plans for a three-stage National Revolution. While the KMT is on positive terms with many syndicalist groups (and some prominent members such as Chen Duxiu are members of both the KMT and the CSP), there is still disagreement within the Central Committee over whether the urban syndicalist parties and movements should be given or can be trusted with the right to political assembly independent of the KMT once the republic’s government is restored.
儘管如此，中國工團黨依然存在，並自1920年代早期成立以來便一直頑強地生存著。在法國和義大利工團政府的幫助下，中國工團黨與國民黨之間的初步合作已經正式地建立了起來。他們之中少數的成員是國民黨國家革命三階段方案的完全支持者。雖然國民黨與眾多工團主義團體有著積極的關係（陳獨秀等知名成員都是工團黨和國民黨的雙重成員），中央委員會內部仍有分歧，主要是關於民國政府恢復後，城市工團黨派以及運動是否應當被給予或是能被信任以擁有獨立於國民黨的政治集會權利等問題。
The ZhongTeJu Bureau - The Silent Giant (Totalists)
中特局——沉默的巨人（集權主義）
In any clandestine organization, the groups in charge of security and espionage will gain some power of their own. The central spokes of the KMT’s vast network of informants, spies, and party cells across southern China all converge, directly or indirectly, in the Shanghai Neutral Zone where the mainland headquarters of the KMT’s intelligence network lies. The 中央情報與特別行動侷 ( 「Bureau for Intelligence and Special Methods」, or 中特侷 / 「ZhongTeJu」 for short) is headed by Dai Chunfang, a secretive former protégé of Chiang Kai-Shek who volunteered to stay behind after the disaster of the Northern Expedition to help coordinate the KMT’s underground operations. While initially a minor project meant to keep some vital communications between cells going, Dai has turned the ZhongTeJu agency into a rival to the JiangFu Zone in strategic importance to the KMT, and their sabotage networks will be critical to any campaign in the Five Eastern Provinces.
在任何的秘密組織中，主管安全和間諜的團體都會獲得一些自己的權力。國民黨在華南地區擁有廣大的線人、間諜和黨組織網絡，這些網絡的中心直接或間接地匯聚在上海中立區，即國民黨大陸情報網絡的總部所在地。中央情報特別行動局（簡稱中特局）由戴春風（即戴笠）領導，他是蔣介石的前秘密門生，在北伐失敗的災難後志願留在後方，以協調國民黨的地下工作。起初，這只是一個小項目，目的在於保持黨組織間的關鍵通訊，戴春風在隨後將中特局轉變為了足以與江福邊區相提並論的，對國民黨有戰略重要性的組織。他們的破壞網絡對華東五省的任何運動都至關重要。
The ZhongTeJu was the primary method by which the KMT organized its more insurgent forms of participation in the 1932 strikes and unrest, and despite its failures very few of its cells in Jiangsu or Zhejiang were compromised in the crackdown. Though not a formal political tendency, the Committee has developed its own self-awareness as a political actor and has deep connections with the Minsheng Faction. Many younger Chinese under the present conditions first interact with the KMT through the ZhongTeJu. The ZhongTeJu are not ideological in the regular sense of a party, but they share a mechanistic and technocratic approach to how they view political power and polices that is highly ruthless.
在1932年的罷工和動亂中，中特局是國民黨組織和動員更多起義的主要途徑，哪怕運動遭遇失敗了，但在敵人的掃蕩中，其在江蘇或浙江的支部很少受到影響。儘管它沒有正式的政治傾向，但中特局委員會已經發展出了政治行為者的自我意識，並與民生派有著深刻的聯繫。在當前狀況下，許多中國年輕人都是通過中特局先與國民党進行交流。中特局並非通常意義上的政黨意識形態，而是以一種機械主義和技術官僚主義的極其無情的方式看待政治權力和政策。
Thanks for reading! We don't know when the next Minor Monday or PR will be because development isn't always fast or regular, but at least that way it'll be a surprise...
感謝閱讀！我們並不知道下次的日誌會在什麼時候，因為開發並非是一直快速或規律的。不過至少這也是一種驚喜...
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