2015年3月，英國、法國、德國以及其他歐盟國家聲明將作為創始國加入亞洲基礎設施投資銀行（簡稱亞投行）。這項由中國領頭的多邊倡議將會為發展中國家，尤其是亞洲國家的建設項目提供資金。這三大歐洲國家均為G7成員國，這些國家的加入讓很多評論員深感驚訝。
In March 2015, the UK, France, Germany, and other EU states announced that they would apply to join the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) as founding members. This multilateral undertaking, a Chinese-led initiative, will fund projects in developing countries, particularly in Asia. The fact that three major European countries, all of them G7 members, have joined the effort has surprised many commentators.
不過，在全球化時代，身處全球供應網絡中的國家加入促進世界經濟增長與貿易往來的倡議也在情理之中。套用瑞士語言學家索緒爾（Ferdinand de Saussure）的名言，政治與經濟就像一張紙的正反面，密不可分；一方受損，另一方不可能完好無損。亞投行對於歐盟與中國的政治經濟發展都頗具裨益。
But it should not be surprising that states in the era of globalization and global supply networks engage in initiatives that promote economic growth and increase trade flows worldwide. To paraphrase the Swiss linguist Ferdinand de Saussure, politics and economics are as inseparable as the two sides of a piece of paper; one cannot cut one side without also cutting the other. The AIIB initiative holds great promise for the EU and China in both of these areas.
亞投行為中國與歐洲帶來的經濟利益
The Economic Benefits for China and Europe
大多數遇到經濟困境的歐洲國家都非常支持亞投行，因為該項目擁有巨大的潛力，可以通過基礎設施建設將歐亞經濟聯繫到一起。這也是為何這些國家會選擇參與亞投行的創建過程。如今，歐洲的核心機構——歐洲投資銀行（European Investment Bank）在北京建立了辦事處，似乎準備進一步加深與中國的投資合作。當然，歐盟國家的行為都經過戰略考慮，他們希望可以參與構建銀行規則，而非僅作為中國主導機構的旁觀者。中國樂於看到這樣的發展，因為中國希望獲取歐洲發展項目融資以及如何確保高環境保護標準的相關經驗知識。
Most European states facing internal economic distress have embraced the gigantic potential that the AIIB embodies: a Eurasian economy connected by advanced infrastructure. That is why they have opted to participate in the founding of such a development bank. And now a core European institution, the European Investment Bank, seems poised to deepen its investment cooperation with China by opening an official office in Beijing. To be sure, EU states are acting strategically, preferring to shape the regulations of the bank from within instead of being mere observers of a Chinese-led institution. China welcomes this development as it looks to attract European know-how related to financing development projects and ensuring that high environmental standards are put in place and implemented.
過去幾年間，中國積攢了數萬億的外匯儲備。亞投行與「一帶一路」，即新絲綢之路計劃將會促進中國與周邊國家間的聯繫以及貿易往來，是中國應對經濟發展所帶來的挑戰的一種方式。這些計劃都具有包容、民主與一視同仁的特性。
In the past several years, China has accumulated trillions of dollars in foreign currency reserves. The AIIB initiative and the One Belt, One Road (or New Silk Road) plan to promote connectivity and trade with neighboring countries are part of China’s response to the challenges stemming from its economic success. Each endeavor is inclusive, democratic, and nondiscriminatory.
此外，這些項目都將有助於改善周邊國家的經濟水平，它與「親、誠、惠、容」的中國周邊外交一脈相承，也是中國外交政策的戰略重心。正是由於基礎設施投資，亞洲一些最為貧困國家的GDP水平有所提高，而更高的收入水平將會促使總體需求上升，建立繁榮的亞洲國家共同體並打造中國與鄰國間緊密的經濟聯繫。
The AIIB and the One Belt, One Road initiative also will help improve the economic situation in China’s neighborhood. They exemplify the continuity of China’s diplomacy with nearby countries, which is characterized by the principles of amity, sincerity, mutual benefit, and inclusiveness. These initiatives now are seen as central to China’s foreign policy strategy. As the GDP levels of some of the poorest states in Asia increase due to infrastructure investments, higher income levels will prompt aggregate demand to also rise, creating a prosperous community of Asian nations and forging strong economic interdependence between China and its neighbors.
有人認為亞投行是中國的馬歇爾計劃，旨在為自己謀利。面對這樣的批評，亞洲基礎設施投資銀行本質上應該堅持的原則是其投資的社會回報最大化。亞投行應該優先考慮能夠提供最具競爭力與社會可持續性合同的公司或合資公司，而不是根據公司股東國籍投放資金。這些公司將會面對的困難是決定如何提升技術水平與文化知識，與欠發達地區當地政府合作、尊重當地風俗以及發展針對地區特色的高效金融工具。
To answer critics who call the AIIB a part of China’s Marshall Plan designed primarily to benefit itself, the bank should constitutionally adhere to the principle of maximizing the social return on its investments. Preference should be given to companies or ventures that offer the most competitive and socially sustainable contracts independently of their shareholders』 nationalities. The difficulty that companies will have is determining how to cultivate the technical and cultural know-how to cooperate with local authorities in underdeveloped areas, respect local customs, and develop efficient financial instruments that are area-specific instead of applying a one-size-fits-all approach.
在國際貿易中，有一項基於長期經驗的發現，即貿易引力模型。根據這一理論，貿易夥伴的GDP水平越高，國家間的貿易越頻繁；而貿易夥伴間物理距離越遠，貿易越少。由於亞投行將會通過為鐵路、公路、機場、信息技術以及其他高回報項目融資來縮短跨境距離，歐洲、中國以及亞洲之間的商業互動在未來將會呈指數增長的趨勢。
In international trade, there is a long-standing empirical finding: the gravity model. According to this theory, the larger the GDPs of trading partners, the more they will trade with one another, and the greater the distance between partners, the less they will trade. Because AIIB investment will reduce such cross-border distances by financing railways, roads, airports, information technology, and other high-return projects, commercial interactions between Europe, China, and Asia will increase exponentially.
這對於歐亞大陸來說顯然是雙贏的，對美國也大有裨益，因為中國與歐盟是美國最為重要的兩大經濟夥伴。
This is clearly a win-win for Eurasia as well as for the United States, whose two most significant economic partners are China and the EU.
中國、歐洲與多極世界
China, Europe, and a Multipolar World
中國一直以來都表示其致力於打造多極世界，並支持歐盟的一體化進程與獨立的外交政策。歐盟的外交活動，如參與伊朗核談判，為世界和平與穩定做出了貢獻。
China has long declared its commitment to a multipolar world and has supported the EU’s integration and the independence of its foreign policy. The EU’s diplomatic initiatives, such as its commitment to nuclear negotiations with Iran, have contributed to global peace and stability.
雖然美國並不歡迎歐盟國家加入亞投行的決定，但這並不會導致歐洲犧牲其在亞洲的核心經濟利益，畢竟亞洲是世界上經濟增長最為快速的區域。美國外交政策方面的重量級人物，如茲比格涅夫•布熱津斯基(Zbigniew Brzezinski)與約瑟夫•奈(Joseph Nye)也都對美國政府孤立主義趨勢與針對亞投行的公共外交提出批評。
While the United States has not welcomed the decision of EU states to join the AIIB, this should not lead Europe to sacrifice its core economic interests in Asia—the fastest-growing economic region in the world. After all, U.S. foreign policy heavyweights including Zbigniew Brzezinski and Joseph Nye have criticized the U.S. administration for its isolationist tendencies and its public diplomacy toward the AIIB.
上個世紀50年代蘇伊士運河危機爆發後，美國曾成功迫使英法兩國撤去部署在埃及的軍隊，如今這一時代已一去不復返。當時，美國能夠迫使歐洲國家聽從其意見而調整外交行為。目前，歐盟正在加速其政治與安全協作，而中國可能會對這一努力大有幫助。
Long gone are the days of the Suez Canal crisis of 1956, when the United States successfully pressured the UK and France to remove troops they had placed in Egypt. At that time, the United States could coercively lecture Europeans on how to behave diplomatically. Now the EU faces a window of opportunity to accelerate its political and security coordination. China may prove helpful to this effort.
中國對歐洲的承諾行之有效。2014年，習近平主席成為首位訪問位於布魯塞爾的歐盟總部的中國國家首腦。在訪問期間，習主席表達了對歐盟一體化的強烈興趣和支持，因為強大的歐盟會為多極化的國際體系做出貢獻。這樣的國際體系更為平衡因此也更為安全。
China’s commitment to Europe is well-established. In 2014, when President Xi Jinping became the first Chinese head of state to visit EU headquarters in Brussels, he expressed a sincere interest in and support for the sui generis unification of the EU, because a strong EU contributes to a multipolar international system that is more balanced and thus more secure.
中國是多極世界中的一極，目前其國力還不足以使中國成為世界上唯一的超級大國，獲得美國在二十世紀九十年代以及21世紀初期那樣的國際地位。外界誇大其詞，認為中國發展會稱霸世界，但他們卻忽略了美國軍費支出與人均GDP遠高於中國這一事實。
China is one of the poles, yet its relative national power will not allow it to enjoy a moment as the world’s lone superpower, as the United States did back in the 1990s and early 2000s. The supposed threat of Chinese hegemony is exaggerated and ignores the fact that U.S. military spending and per capita GDP figures are still far higher than those of China.
構建包容的全球秩序
Shaping an Inclusive Global Order
當今已有的全球金融秩序中國沒有機會和能力參與構建，因為在該秩序構建之時中國國力衰微。在19世紀初清朝的統治之下，中國富饒且強大，但沒能參與到國際秩序當中。即使是在1842年之後，當歐洲大國迫使清王朝與其建立了經濟聯繫之後，中國政府依然在很長時間之後才建立起外事部門。清政府不情願放棄夷務管理的傳統，也不願放棄教導那些愚昧無知的蠻夷之輩學習大清帝國的禮儀的傳統。
The current global financial order was shaped without Beijing’s input at a time when China was weak. At the beginning of the nineteenth century under the Qing dynasty, China was rich and powerful but failed to participate in the global order. Even after 1842, when the great powers of Europe coerced the Qing court into establishing commercial relations, it took a long time for the Chinese government to establish a foreign ministry. China only reluctantly gave up the tradition of managing barbarian affairs, as it could be termed, and teaching ignorant barbarians about the rituals of the empire.
然而，自二十世紀八十年代初，中國通過全面參與多邊組織（包括國際貨幣基金組織、世界銀行、關貿總協定以及世界貿易組織）多次證明了中國外交政策旨在營造雙贏合作的局面。
Yet, since the early 1980s, China has repeatedly proven through its comprehensive engagement in multilateral organizations—including the IMF, the World Bank, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, and the WTO—that the imperative of Chinese foreign policy is win-win cooperation.
隨著中國的現代化進程以及GDP增長和基礎設施發展，中國在國際事務中的態度已從消極轉變成為更加積極。與此同時，中國並沒有摒棄其韜光養晦的外交核心原則。亞投行、新絲綢之路、由金磚五國建立的新開發銀行，以及中國試圖建立中美新型大國關係的行為都反映了這一現實。這些演變顯示出了中國外交政策的辯證色彩——中國的外交政策在延續與變化、傳統與發展、穩定與動態中保持著平衡。
As China has modernized and bolstered its material standing, in areas ranging from GDP growth to infrastructure development, it has moved from being a passive actor to being more proactive, without abandoning its core diplomatic principle of keeping a low profile. The AIIB, the New Development Bank launched by Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa, and the New Silk Road initiatives, as well as Beijing’s attempt to build a new type of great power relations with Washington all attest to this reality. These incremental changes reflect the dialectic undertones of China’s foreign policy, which balances between continuity and change, tradition and evolution, and stability and movement.
今天的中國不會再重蹈覆轍，脫離世界將自身孤立起來。世界第二大經濟體的身份讓中國更加急切地想要啟動上述項目，以此促進全球經濟發展以及自由公平的商業發展，與此同時尊重所有合作夥伴的文化與歷史。
China today will not repeat the mistakes of the past and isolate itself from the world. Being the world’s second-largest economy has increased the urgency for China to initiate projects that promote global economic development as well as free and fair commerce, while always respecting the local cultural and historical conditions of every partner.
從這一角度來看，中國現代外交政策的核心原則並沒有大幅變化。自中國實施改革開放政策以來，中國就一直呼籲建立民主、包容的全球秩序，尊重所有民族政治、習俗以及價值觀的多樣化。在這樣的世界中，與歐洲建立夥伴關係是必要的，因為這有助於中國直接與該地區進行發展合作。歐洲既是西方力量的中心同時也是世界最大的單一市場。
In that sense, China’s core modern foreign policy principles have not radically changed. Since China began reforming and opening up, the country has called for the establishment of a more democratic and inclusive global order that respects the variety of polities, customs, and values of all nations. In such a world, the partnership with Europe is indispensable, because it helps China build a bridge of development cooperation directly with a region that is both a Western power center and the world’s largest single market.
中國致力於打造一個開放、包容且民主的全球秩序，這通過亞投行倡議就可見一斑。中國作為最大的注資國並沒有否決權，且亞投行的議事模式將通過成員國之間公開透明的談判得以確定。歐洲似乎相信中國的意圖，這為中國對包容性世界秩序的追求增添了可信度。支持良好的全球治理、政治秩序以及戰略穩定都是非常有益的行為。通過這些努力大國能夠和平地吸引其他國家並促進全球秩序向更為和諧更為包容的方向發展。
The Chinese commitment to an open, inclusive, and democratic global order is reflected in the AIIB initiative. China—the biggest donor—does not hold veto power, and the modus operandi of the organization will be shaped by open and transparent negotiations among its member states. Europe seems to trust Chinese intentions, adding more credibility to China’s desire for an inclusive world order. Supporting sound global governance, political order, and strategic stability is a promising endeavor through which big states (da guo) can peacefully attract other states and promote a more harmonious and inclusive global order.
中國人民真摯希望美日兩國也參與亞投行，與中國以及歐洲一同支持世界最為貧困地區的發展並為當地人民的福祉而努力。全球治理與全球發展不是零和博弈，而是合作共贏。
The Chinese people sincerely hope that Japan and the United States will also engage with the AIIB, joining China and Europe in supporting the development and well-being of some of the world’s poorest areas. Global governance and global development is not a zero-sum game, but an indisputable win-win scenario.
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