傅瑩 盤古智庫 今天
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重新激活中美關係時，重要的是準確判斷對方的意圖。中國無意取代美國在世界上的主導地位，也無需擔心美國改變中國的制度。兩國是有可能通過解決彼此關切來發展某種「競合」（合作與競爭）關係的。中美如能攜手與其他國家同心協力應對這些挑戰，多邊主義將繼續為人類進步帶來希望。
本文作者系清華大學國際關係研究院榮譽院長、國際戰略與安全研究中心主任、外交部前副部長傅瑩女士，文章來源於《紐約時報》。
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正所謂大國政治無邊界。未來美國政策的方向成為許多中國人熱議的話題。
毋庸諱言，過去四年中美關係受到嚴重損害，雙方都表達了許多不滿和關切。美國認定中國要爭奪世界霸權，而中國人看到的是美國處處阻擋中國前進和人民追求美好生活的進程。
似乎雙方都確認對方是錯誤的一方，一方提出的倡議總會被視為對己方利益的損害。例如，中國提出「一帶一路」倡議作為全球公共產品，旨在促進更多的經濟增長和更大的互聯互通，而美方視之為一種謀求地緣政治主導力的戰略。
隨著兩國關係近年變得更加緊張，華盛頓開始打壓中國科技企業，給中國留學生製造麻煩。我遇到許多曾經在美國留學的中國青年企業家，在兩國經歷了多年富有成效的合作夥伴關係之後，他們現在被美國視為安全上的威脅，這使他們感到很困惑。將人文交流也都政治化的做法，令很多人擔心曾經惠及雙方的紐帶還能否再現活力。
重新激活中美關係時，重要的是準確判斷對方的意圖。中國無意取代美國在世界上的主導地位，也無需擔心美國改變中國的制度。
中美這樣兩個強大的國家若因誤判而滑向衝突，那將是歷史性悲劇，必然要損害兩國的根本利益，讓許多企業乃至普通民眾付出代價。
中美兩國政府各自都有重要的國內議程去關注，即便競爭不可避免，也需要合作管控好。兩國是有可能通過解決彼此關切來發展某種「競合」（合作與競爭）關係的。
在經濟和技術領域，規則和法律須得到遵守。北京重要的是傾聽和解決在華美企提出的合理關切，比如更好地保護智慧財產權、網絡安全和隱私。中國一直在這些領域做出努力，不斷完善法律、從嚴執法。中國全國人大常委會剛剛通過了對著作權法的修改，其中就包括了加大對侵權行為的處罰力度等內容。而華盛頓則應該為在美經營的中國企業提供公平的環境。美方對華為公司在尖端領域擁有優勢的恐懼，不應該以政府霸凌的方式表達，這樣做不僅傷害到相關企業，也阻礙了人們從新技術進步中獲益。美國政府應該做的是鼓勵自己的企業與華為開展合作和競爭。
以國家安全為理由試圖禁止頗受歡迎的社交平臺TikTok的做法也是很不公正的，美方並沒有能夠公開證明其所謂違反安全的說法，而TikTok承諾了要遵守美國的所有法律和規則。
華盛頓以所謂國家安全為藉口打壓中國企業的論調在中國人看來都是很虛偽的。因為中國在過去40多年的改革開放中引進了各種西方技術，也歡迎美企進入中國。這並沒有妨礙中國維護國家安全。
所以，如果雙方能夠進行平等和坦誠的談判，應能為長久互利交往奠定堅實基礎。
在政治領域，美國早該放棄幹涉他國內政的習慣了。多年來美國的全球幹預行為屢屢碰壁，例如在阿富汗、伊拉克和利比亞，華盛頓應該從中吸取教訓。美國擔心外國幹預自己的總統大選，那麼是否也應能理解為何他國對美國的幹預如此敏感。
美方指責中國制度或者針對中國的國內政策採取行動令中方反感。當然，中方也需要更加主動地向外部世界提供第一手信息，讓外界更好地了解中方的立場和行為的緣由。
中美應當相互尊重、承認各自政治制度不同、各美其美，從而營造一種更加平和的氣氛。
在安全領域，雙方都有責任維護和保持亞太地區多年來所享有的和平、安寧局面。美方需要尊重中國人對國家統一的信念，不要在臺灣等問題上挑戰中方，或是介入南海領土爭議。
毋庸置疑的是，中國海軍的成長給美國在西太平洋地區帶來壓力——美國海軍一貫自恃是該地區的主導力量，中國這個強大本土力量的出現令其感到不安。美軍針對中國申明擁有主權的領土進行抵近活動遭到中國軍隊越來越強的反對。
美方漠然對待中國在臺灣和南海領土爭端問題上的關切，不能不讓中方懷疑其動機何在：美國是否想幫助臺灣實現獨立，是否想在（南海）爭議中選邊站隊幫助其他爭議方，要像過去的帝國主義者那樣欺侮中國？
為了避免誤解和意想不到的衝突，兩國軍方可以在戰略層面開展對話，以建立有效管理潛在危機的機制，找到和平共處的路徑。
這並非不可能。上個世紀90年代末期中美就建立了海上安全磋商機制，後來還建立了處置海空意外相遇的規則和平息可能發生的危機的熱線系統。近年兩軍建立了重大軍事活動相互通報機制。
現在需要的是坦誠交談以更好地了解彼此意圖和培育信任。
最後是在全球層面，中美合作的空間和需求很大，最緊迫的是抗擊新冠疫情的合作。
兩國科學家以往在應對衛生危機上有著堅實的專業合作經歷，應鼓勵他們再度最大限度地發揮相互交流和聯合研究的潛力。中國和美國在疫苗研發方面都有豐富的資源，如果兩國能夠攜手提高全球疫苗的可獲得性和可負擔性，整個世界都會因此而獲益。
氣候變化是另外一個迫切需要關注的領域，世界期待中美發揮引領作用，兩國有許多事情可以一起做。至於其他全球議題，諸如經濟穩定、數字安全、人工智慧治理等，也都需要團結協作來應對。
中美如能攜手與其他國家同心協力應對這些挑戰，多邊主義將繼續為人類進步帶來希望。
Cooperative Competition Is Possible Between China and the U.S.
A former vice foreign minister of China proposes a way forward for the world’s two leading powers.
By Fu Ying
BEIJING — The domestic politics of major countries are never kept within their borders — and the future policy orientation of the United States has become a hot topic for many people in China.
There is no denying the fact that China-U.S. relations have suffered serious damage over the past four years. Each country has expressed much complaint and concern about the other.
The United States believes that China craves world hegemony. China sees the United States as trying to block China’s way forward and as hindering its people’s pursuit of a better life.
It seems that both sides are convinced it is always the other party that is in the wrong; any initiative one of them undertakes is invariably seen by the other as an attempt to undermine it.
For example, China has proposed the Belt and Road Initiative as a global public good to promote more growth and greater connectivity, but America interprets the project as a strategy for geopolitical dominance.
As relations grew more tense in recent years, Washington started bullying Chinese high-tech companies and making things difficult for Chinese students. I have met many young Chinese entrepreneurs who studied in America and who today are puzzled to be treated like a security threat to the United States, after many years of a productive partnership between our two countries. The politicization of even people-to-people exchanges has left many wondering if what had long been mutually beneficial ties can be reinvigorated.
To refresh the relationship, each side must accurately assess the other’s intentions. China does not want to replace U.S. dominance in the world. Nor does China need to worry about the United States changing China’s system.
And it would be a tragedy of history if two countries of such power moved toward confrontation based on misperceptions. That would only work against their own fundamental interests, and many businesses and people would pay the price.
Both governments have heavy domestic agendas to attend to, and so even if competition between China and the United States is unavoidable, it needs to be managed well, cooperatively. It is possible for the two countries to develop a relationship of 「coopetition」 (cooperation + competition) by addressing each other’s concerns.
In the fields of economics and technology, rules and laws must prevail. It is important that Beijing listen to and address the legitimate concerns of American companies in China, such as their calls for better intellectual property protection, cybersecurity and privacy. China is making strong efforts in all these areas by improving its laws and their enforcement. The Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress recently adopted amendments to China’s copyright law, raising the cost of violations, among other things.
Washington, for its part, should ensure a level playing field for Chinese enterprises to operate in the United States. America’s fear of Huawei’s cutting-edge advantages should not be expressed through government bullying: This not only hurts the company; it also limits many people’s access to technological progress. The U.S. government should instead be encouraging its companies to work and compete with Huawei.
Its attempt to block the popular social media platform TikTok on national security grounds also seems unfair since the United States has not publicly proved its allegations of security violations and the company has vowed to abide by all U.S. laws and regulations.
Washington’s so-called national security argument against Chinese companies seems hypocritical to the Chinese considering that China, over the course of four decades or more of reform and opening up, welcomed all kinds of Western technologies and American companies into China — all the while maintaining its own national security.
And yet if the two sides engage in equal and candid negotiations, they should be able to build a solid basis for long-term relations that are beneficial to both.
On the political front, it is high time that the United States drop its habit of interfering in other countries』 internal affairs. One hopes that Washington will learn from its unsuccessful interventions the world over, for example in Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya. America’s concerns that foreign forces might interfere with its presidential elections should serve as a good reminder of why other countries are so sensitive about U.S. intervention in their own domestic affairs.
China finds it offensive when the United States points a finger at the Chinese system or takes action against Beijing for its policies on domestic matters. But China also needs to be more proactive in providing the rest of the world firsthand information about what the country stands for and why it is doing what it is doing.
A calmer atmosphere can be cultivated when China and the United States respect each other and acknowledge that the other has a different political system that is working in its own way.
In the security field, both countries shoulder responsibilities for ensuring that the peace and tranquillity that the Asia-Pacific region has enjoyed over the years continues to last. The United States should be respectful of China’s sense of national unity and avoid challenging China on the issue of Taiwan or by meddling in the territorial disputes of the South China Sea.
Admittedly, China’s growing navy has put some pressure on the United States in the western Pacific. The U.S. Navy, which has long claimed to be the dominant force in the region, finds the presence of a strong local military power today to be unsettling; its activities close to territories over which China claims sovereignty are met with growing objections from the Chinese military.
The United States』 insensitivity toward China’s concerns over Taiwan and territorial disputes in the South China Sea can only make Beijing suspect Washington’s motivations: Does America want to help Taiwan go independent? Is it siding with the other claimants in the region in order to humiliate China as the imperialists did in the past?
To avoid any misunderstandings and unexpected conflicts, the two militaries should talk at the strategic level in order to build mechanisms to effectively manage potential crises and find other ways to coexist peacefully.
This is not impossible. In the late 1990s, China and the United States established a consultation regime about maritime security. Later, they set up both guidelines for handling unplanned encounters at sea and in the air and a hotline to defuse any possible crises. In recent years, they established formal mechanisms to notify each other of major military activities.
Now they need to have candid talks to better understand each other’s intentions and cultivate trust.
Finally, a host of global issues call for close cooperation between China and the United States — the most urgent being the fight against the coronavirus pandemic.
Scientists from both countries have a solid track record of professional cooperation in responding to past health crises, and they should be encouraged to maximize again the potential for exchange and joint research. Both China and America are resourceful in vaccine development. If they cooperate to make vaccines more affordable and accessible, the whole world will benefit.
Climate change is another area that needs urgent attention. The world expects China and the United States to play a leading role, and the two countries have a lot to work on together. Other global topics — such as economic stability, digital security and artificial intelligence governance, to mention but a few — all cry out for united efforts as well.
To tackle these challenges, China and the United States should join hands and cooperate with all other concerned parties. Only then can multilateralism continue to bring hope for the betterment of humankind.