北京時間2017年1月11日，歐巴馬重回芝加哥做告別演講
八年前他作為候選人在他的演講上第一次提到：Yes,we can.
八年來他不間斷的提醒著他的人民：Yes,we can.
八年後的今天，他仍然用「Yes, we can」 ，為他的執政畫上句號
以下為歐巴馬告別演講視頻
part 1
It's good to be home. My fellow Americans
我親愛的美國國民，回到家鄉（芝加哥）的感覺真好。
Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well-wishes we've received over the past few weeks.
過去幾個星期，我和米歇爾收到了很多祝福，深受感動。
But tonight it's my turn to say thanks.
而今晚，輪到我向各位表達感激之情了。
Whether we've seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people -- in living rooms and schools;
曾經的我們或許觀點一致，又或許意見分歧，但我在同你們的交流中——在家中客廳或學校裡，
at farms and on factory floors; at diners and on distant outposts -- are what have kept me honest, kept me inspired, and kept me going.
在農場或工廠間，在餐桌上和偏遠的前哨基地裡，在與身為美國國民的你們的對話中，才得以保持一腔赤誠，一鼓作氣，一心向前。
Every day, I learned from you. You made me a better President, and you made me a better man.
每天，我都能從你們身上受到啟發。你們讓我這個總統當得更稱職，也讓我成為一個更好的人。
I first came to Chicago when I was in my early twenties, still trying to figure out who I was;
我當年第一次來到芝加哥，才二十出頭，還在竭力想弄明白我是誰,
still searching for a purpose to my life. It was in neighborhoods not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills.
還在尋找著人生的目標。我當時就是在離這兒不遠的地方，和教會團體一起在封閉的鋼鐵作坊裡幹活的。
It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss.
This is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved, get engaged, and come together to demand it.
正是在這些街道間，我見識到了信仰的力量，見識到了工人們面對著掙扎和失落，依然默默耕耘的尊嚴。正是在這個地方，我才認識到，只有當人們全心投入，眾志成城，才能改變現狀。
After eight years as your President, I still believe that. And it's not just my belief. It's the beating heart of our American idea -- our bold experiment in self-government.
我當選總統已經八年了，而我仍然相信這個道理，而且這也不只是我一個人的信念，這是我們美國構想的核心宗旨，是我們自治管理的大膽試驗。
It's the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our Creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
我們一直堅信，人人生而平等，造物主賦予了我們不可剝奪的權利，包括生命權、自由權，以及追求幸福的權利。
It's the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.
我們一直堅持，這些不言而喻的權利，不能由少數人來執行掌控。由此，我們的人民通過民主途徑，組成了更為完美的整體。
This is the great gift our Founders gave us. The freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat, toil, and imagination -- and the imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a greater good.
這是開國元勳賜予我們的珍貴禮物。一是自由，我們可以通過揮灑汗水，付出辛勞，發揮想像，去追尋個人理想；二是緊迫感，我們要攜手共進、共建美好前程。
For 240 years, our nation's call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation.
240年來，我們國家所一直呼喚的公民權給每一個新的時代都帶來了工作和意義。
It's what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom.
這讓愛國者們選擇了共和政體來反抗暴政，先驅們向西遷移，奴隸們勇敢地登上臨時鐵路去尋求自由。
It's what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the Rio Grande, pushed women to reach for the ballot, powered workers to organize.
這讓移民和難民橫跨海洋和格蘭德河，推動婦女去投票，動員工人建立自己的組織。
It's why GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima; Iraq and Afghanistan -- and why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well.
這就是為什麼美國軍人會在奧馬哈海灘和硫磺島，還有伊拉克和阿富汗浴血奮戰；這就是為什麼從塞爾瑪到斯通沃爾的男男女女也都準備好了奉獻自我。
So that's what we mean when we say America is exceptional.
那麼這就是為什麼我們說美國很卓越。
Not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change, and make life better for those who follow.
不是因為我們國家從一開始就是完美無暇的，而是因為我們容納變化，並且提高了那些跟得上變化節奏的人的生活水平。
Yes, our progress has been uneven.
是的，我們的進步歷程是崎嶇不平的。
The work of democracy has always been hard, contentious and sometimes bloody.
實現民主的過程是充滿挫折和爭議的，有時候會充斥著血腥味。
For every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back.
每前進兩步的時候，往往會讓我們後退一步。
But the long sweep of America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our founding creed to embrace all, and not just some.
但我們的建國信條不斷擴大，去包容一切，不只是針對一部分，這成為了我們前進的動力，決定了美國橫掃世界的強大力量。
If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history...
如果我告訴你8年前美國會扭轉經濟衰退的格局，重啟汽車產業，成就了當時我國有史以來最長一段就業機會最多的時期...
if I had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran's nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, and take out the mastermind of 9/11...
如果我告訴你我們將與古巴人民的關係進入新階段，不用一槍一火就組織了伊朗的核武器計劃，抓住了911的主謀...
if I had told you that we would win marriage equality, and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens -- you might have said our sights were set a little too high.
如果我告訴你我們實現了婚姻平等，保障了另外2000萬同胞的醫療保險享有權利，你也許會說我們的目標定得太高了。
But that's what we did. That's what you did.
但是那些就是我們做到的。我們真的做到的了。
You were the change. You answered people's hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started.
你們正在改變。你們實現了人們的希望，也正是因為你們所做的一切，美國比從前更加優秀更加強大。
In ten days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy: the peaceful transfer of power from one freely-elected president to the next.
未來，世界將會見證民主成為我們國家的一大標誌：權力從一個自由選舉產生的總統順利轉移至下一任。
I committed to President-Elect Trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did for me.
我向候任總統川普承諾，我保證儘可能順利過渡交替工作，正如布希對我做的一樣。
Because it's up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face.
因為正是由我們保證了政府工作的順利進行，才能幫助我們更好的迎接未來更多的挑戰。
We have what we need to do so. After all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on Earth.
我們還有著必須要做的事情。畢竟，我們依然是地球上最富有、最強大、最受尊敬的國家。
Our youth and drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention mean that the future should be ours.
我們的年輕與活力，我們的多樣性與開放性，我們無窮的冒險與重新創造的能力，這些都意味著未來將會是我們的。
But that potential will be realized only if our democracy works. Only if our politics reflects the decency of the our people. Only if all of us, regardless of our party affiliation or particular interest, help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.
但是，只有當我們的民主體制發揮作用，當我們的政治反映出人民的正派，當我們所有人，不管黨派身份或特定利益如何，都能為重塑我們現在所急需的共同的使命感而出一份力的時候，這些潛能才會實現。
That's what I want to focus on tonight -- the state of our democracy.
這正是今晚我想要強調的--我們民主的現狀。
Understand, democracy does not require uniformity. Our founders quarreled and compromised, and expected us to do the same. But they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity -- the idea that for all our outward differences, we are all in this together; that we rise or fall as one.
要知道，民主並不要求一致。我們的建國者曾為此爭論並作出妥協，並期望我們也會這樣做。但他們知道，民主確實要求一種基本的團結精神--一種儘管所有人都有著外在的差異，但大家都團結在一起的，同甘苦共患難的精神。
There have been moments throughout our history that threatened to rupture that solidarity. The beginning of this century has been one of those times.
A shrinking world, growing inequality; demographic change and the specter of terrorism -- these forces haven't just tested our security and prosperity, but our democracy as well. And how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids, and create good jobs, and protect our homeland.
In other words, it will determine our future.
Our democracy won't work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity. Today, the economy is growing again; wages, incomes, home values, and retirement accounts are rising again; poverty is falling again. The wealthy are paying a fairer share of taxes even as the stock market shatters records. The unemployment rate is near a ten-year low. The uninsured rate has never, ever been lower. Health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in fifty years. And if anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we've made to our health care system -- that covers as many people at less cost -- I will publicly support it.
That, after all, is why we serve -- to make people's lives better, not worse.
縱觀歷史，我們有過對那種團結精神產生威脅的時刻。這個世紀初正是那些時刻的其中一個。一個（經濟）衰退的世界、日益加劇的不平等；人口變動還有恐怖主義的幽靈——這些壓力不僅考驗著我們的安全和繁榮，還考驗著我們的民主。我們如何去面對這些挑戰，將決定我們教育孩子、創造好的就業機會，以及保護我們祖國的能力。換言之，這將決定我們的未來。
如果沒能使人們產生所有人都有經濟機遇的感覺，我們的民主體制就將不能運轉。今天，（我們的）經濟又一次在增長；工資、收入、房價和退休金又一次在增長；貧困率又一次在下降。即便股票市場打破了紀錄，富人也要支付更公平的稅收份額。失業率接近十年來的最低水平。未投保率從未比今天更低。醫療保健費用正以五十年內最低的速度增長。而且，如果有任何人能擬定出一份比我們在醫保體系上已經取得的進步顯然要更好的計劃--能以更低的代價覆蓋到更多人的計劃--我將公開支持這份計劃。不管怎樣，那都是我們服務人民的緣由--讓人民的生活變得更好，而不是更差。
But for all the real progress we've made, we know it's not enough. Our economy doesn't work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the expense of a growing middle class. But stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic principles. While the top one percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many families, in inner cities and rural counties, have been left behind -- the laid-off factory worker; the waitress and health care worker who struggle to pay the bills -- convinced that the game is fixed against them, that their government only serves the interests of the powerful -- a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics.
There are no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree that our trade should be fair and not just free.But the next wave of economic dislocation won't come from overseas. It will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes many good, middle-class jobs obsolete.
雖然我們已經取得了一些實際的進展，但是我們知道這遠遠還不夠。我們的經濟發展得依然不夠快，犧牲了中產階級的利益只帶來些許的繁榮。而赤裸裸的不平等也有害於我們的民主原則。處於社會最上層的那1%的人口佔據了大部分的社會財富，千千萬萬處於中部和農村地區的家庭則被遠遠甩在後頭：那些失業的工人，那些靠當服務生和看護勉強維持生計的人們，對這個遊戲心存不滿，更加確信政府只為權貴勢力服務，進而衍生出更多對於我們的政策的不滿和極端情緒。
要扭轉這個長久以來的局面沒有一步到位的辦法。我認為我們應該要更加關注貿易公平，而不只是自由貿易。但是下一輪的經濟錯位不是來自海外的威脅，而是越來越快的機械化操作進程會擠掉更多中產階級的工作機會。
And so we must forge a new social compact -- to guarantee all our kids the education they need; to give workers the power to unionize for better wages; to update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now and make more reforms to the tax code so corporations and individuals who reap the most from the new economy don't avoid their obligations to the country that's made their success possible. We can argue about how to best achieve these goals. But we can't be complacent about the goals themselves. For if we don't create opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.
所以我們必須建立一個新的社會契約，保證每個人都能夠平等地接受教育；讓勞動者們有爭取更好的薪資的權利；更新我們的社會安全網，讓它更適應我們的活方式；改革稅法，讓從新經濟中獲利的企業和個人盡到對國家應盡的義務。至於如何最大程度地實現我們的目標我們可以進一步討論。但是我們不能滿足於目標本身。因為如果我們不能為所有人創造工作機會，接下來不滿和分裂情緒只會更加激化。
There's a second threat to our democracy -- one as old as our nation itself. After my election, there was talk of a post-racial America. Such a vision, however well-intended, was never realistic. For race remains a potent and often divisive force in our society. I've lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were ten, or twenty, or thirty years ago -- you can see it not just in statistics, but in the attitudes of young Americans across the political spectrum.
威脅到我們的民主進程的還有另外一個隱患，而這個問題自從建國以來就一直存在。在我當選之後，曾提出構建一個後種族主義的美國。然而理想是美好的，卻沒有照進現實。種族問題依然還是社會上一股強有力的不穩定勢力。比起10年前，20年前或者30年前我看到的世界，種族的關係已經緩和了很多，這不止是體現在統計數據上，還體現在各個政治派系的美國年輕一代的態度上。
But we're not where we need to be. All of us have more work to do. After all, if every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and undeserving minorities, then workers of all shades will be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves. If we decline to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don't look like us, we diminish the prospects of our own children -- because those brown kids will represent a larger share of America's workforce. And our economy doesn't have to be a zero-sum game. Last year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women.
但是革命尚未成功，同志仍需努力。畢竟如果我們把所有經濟問題都局限於白人中產階級和不滿的少數族群之間的糾紛，那麼所有種族的人都將為了極少部分的財富而爭鬥，富人則更加可以作壁上觀。如果我們因為移民後裔和我們膚色不同而將他們排除在利益保障之外，我們下一代的未來也會受到影響，因為這些黑人小孩將佔到美國勞動力的大部分。我們的經濟不一定要變成你死我活弱肉強食的遊戲。去年，各個種族和各個年齡層的男女性的收入都提高了。
Going forward, we must uphold laws against discrimination -- in hiring, in housing, in education and the criminal justice system. That's what our Constitution and highest ideals require. But laws alone won't be enough. Hearts must change. If our democracy is to work in this increasingly diverse nation, each one of us must try to heed the advice of one of the great characters in American fiction, Atticus Finch, who said "You never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view...until you climb into his skin and walk around in it."
今後，在工作，住房，教育和刑事司法系統上，我們必須堅持反歧視法律。這就是我們的憲法和最高理想所要求的那樣。但只有法律是不夠的，我們的觀念必須改變。如果我們想要在這個越來越多樣化的國家貫徹民主，我們每個人都必須去聽從美國小說中的一個偉大人物的建議——阿迪克斯·芬奇。他說：「直到你從他的觀點去考慮問題.直到你和他擁有相同的膚色，設身處地為他著想，你才能真正了解一個人。
For blacks and other minorities, it means tying our own struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face -- the refugee, the immigrant, the rural poor, the transgender American, and also the middle-aged white man who from the outside may seem like he's got all the advantages, but who's seen his world upended by economic, cultural, and technological change.
對於黑人和其他少數族群來說，需要共同奮鬥來解決許多美國人面臨的問題，這不僅僅包括難民、移民、農村的窮人和變性人，也包括那些看上去享受各種社會優待的中年男性白人，因為這些人都面臨全社會經濟、文化和科技發生重大變革的挑戰。
For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn't suddenly vanish in the '60s; that when minority groups voice discontent, they're not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness; that when they wage peaceful protest, they're not demanding special treatment, but the equal treatment our Founders promised.
對於美國的白人來說，這意味著承認奴隸制和吉姆·烏克的影響在60年代沒有突然消失;當少數群體表示不滿時，他們不只是從事反種族主義鬥爭或是為了踐行政治正確;當他們發起和平抗議時，他們並沒有要求特殊對待，只是要求我們創始人所應許的平等待遇。
For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the Irish, Italians, and Poles. America wasn't weakened by the presence of these newcomers; they embraced this nation's creed, and it was strengthened.
對於本地出生的美國人來說，這意味著幾乎是在逐字逐句地提醒我們自己，今天對移民的陳規舊說，那些有關於愛爾蘭人，義大利人和波蘭人的。美國並沒有因為這些新移民的存在而被削弱;他們接受了這個國家的信條，美國因而變得更加強大。
So regardless of the station we occupy; we have to try harder; to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.
所以不用管我們是什麼身份;我們都必須更加努力;這一切開始的前提是，我們中的每一個公民都像我們一樣熱愛這個國家;他們像我們一樣努力工作和重視家庭;他們的孩子就像我們自己的孩子一樣好奇，充滿希望，值得被愛。
None of this is easy. For too many of us, it's become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or college campuses or places of worship or our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. The rise of naked partisanship, increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste -- all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable. And increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that we accept only information, whether true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that's out there.
這些全都不容易。對於我們許多人而言，待在我們自己的圈子裡是越來越安全的選擇。在自己的社區、校園、宗教團體或者社交媒體圈裡，環繞著我們的都是跟我們相像，與我們共享相同政治理念的人，他們從不挑戰我們的觀點。如今，赤裸裸的黨派之爭愈演愈烈，經濟階層分化和地區差異愈加明顯，媒體為迎合各種口味而變得碎片化——這種種因素令巨大的分化顯得自然，甚至無可阻擋。我們如此堅守著自己的圈子，以至於我們不論真假，只接受與自己觀點相符的信息，而不去看圈子外的證據。
This trend represents a third threat to our democracy. Politics is a battle of ideas; in the course of a healthy debate, we'll prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them. But without some common baseline of facts; without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that your opponent is making a fair point, and that science and reason matter, we'll keep talking past each other, making common ground and compromise impossible.
這種趨勢是對民主的第三種威脅。政治是政見之爭。在良性的辯論中，我們優先考慮不同的目標，和實現目標的不同方法。然而，如果不以事實為共同底線，不願接受新的信息，不願承認你的對手提出的合理觀點，不願認可科學和理性的重要性，那麼我們始終只能各持己見，共識和妥協也無從談起。
Isn't that part of what makes politics so dispiriting? How can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on preschool for kids, but not when we're cutting taxes for corporations? How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? It's not just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts; it's self-defeating. Because as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you.
不正因為此，政治才如此讓人沮喪嗎？為什麼，當我們計劃為兒童的學前教育投入經費時，選舉產生的公僕會為赤字大為惱火，但當我們為企業減稅時，卻不見他們反對？為什麼，我們會寬恕自己黨派內的失檢行為，但當同樣的行為發生在其他黨派的時候，卻緊咬不放？這種雙重標準是虛偽的表現，最終也只會自食其果。因為我母親過去常告誡我，現實終將證明人的是非對錯。
Take the challenge of climate change. In just eight years, we've halved our dependence on foreign oil, doubled our renewable energy, and led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet.
以氣候變化這一挑戰為例。短短的八年，我們對於外國石油的依賴減半，可再生能源數量翻倍，我們發揮領頭作用，促成了能夠挽救這一星球的國際條約。
（本文翻譯由有道詞典提供）